An Underground History of
American Education
by J. T. Gatto
Table of Contents
Prologue Page 9
Bianca. You Animal. Shut Up! Page 9
I Quit. I Think Page 1 1
The New Individualism Page 12
School As Religion Page 13
He Was Square Inside And Brown Page 14
The New Dumbness Page 16
Putting Pedagogy To The Question Page 18
Author's Note Page 19
A Nation From The Bottom Up Page 22
ESTABLISHING SHOT Page 22
You Had To Do It Yourself Page 23
No Limit To Pain For Those Who Allow It Page 26
The Art Of Driving Page 27
Two Approaches To Discipline Page 29
The Schools Of Hellas Page 31
The Fresco At Herculaneum Page 32
The Seven Liberal Arts Page 34
The Platonic Ideal Page 35
Oriental Pedagogy Page 36
Counter-Attack On Democracy Page 36
How Hindu Schooling Came To America (I) Page 37
How Hindu Schooling Came To America (II) Page 39
How Hindu Schooling Came To America (III) Page 40
Braddock's Defeat Page 42
Farragut Page 45
Ben Franklin Page 47
George Washington Page 52
Montaigne's Curriculum Page 55
An Angry Look At Modern Schooling Page 58
A Change In The Governing Mind Page 58
Extending Childhood Page 59
The Geneticist's Manifesto Page 6 1
Participatory Democracy Put To The Sword Page 61
Bad Character As A Management Tool Page 63
An Enclosure Movement For Children Page 65
The Dangan Page 66
Occasional Letter Number One Page 67
Change Agents Infiltrate Page 68
Bionomics Page 68
Waking Up Angry Page 71
Eyeless In Gaza Page 72
The School Edition Page 72
Intellectual Espionage Page 75
Looking Behind Appearances Page 78
The Sudbury Valley School Page 8 1
Bootie Zimmer Page 82
False Premises Page 82
A System Of State Propaganda Page 83
The Ideology Of The Text Page 85
The National Adult Literacy Survey Page 85
Name Sounds. Not Things Page 86
The Meatgrinder Classroom Page 89
The Ignorant Schoolmaster Page 9 1
Frank Had A Dog: His Name Was Spot Page 92
The Pedagogy Of Literacy Page 95
Dick And Jane Page 96
I Quit. I Think Page 100
Wadleigh. The Death School Page 100
Dr. Caleb Gattegno. Expert Page 103
Intimidation Page 106
Hector Of The Feeble-Mind Page 107
Hector Isn't The Problem Page 109
One Lawyer Equals 3.000 Reams Of Paper Page 111
The Great Transformation Page 114
Education As A Helix Sport Page 117
I'm Outta Here! Page 118
True Believers and The Unspeakable Chautauqua Page 119
Munsterberg And His Disciples Page 119
The Prototype Is A Schoolteacher Page 121
Teachers College Maintains The Planet Page 122
A Lofty. Somewhat Inhuman Vision Page 123
Rain Forest Algebra Page 124
Godless. But Not Irreligious Page 125
Compulsion Schooling Page 128
Compulsory School Legislation Page 128
De- Moralizing School Procedure Page 128
William Torrey Harris Page 131
Cardinal Principles Page 134
The Unspeakable Chautauqua Page 136
The Lure Of Utopia Page 143
So Fervently Do We Believe Page 143
The Necessity Of Detachment Page 145
Enlarging The Nervous System Page 146
Producing Artificial Wants Page 147
The Parens Patriae Powers Page 148
The Plan Advances Page 150
Children's Court Page 150
Mr. Young's Head Was Pounded To Jelly Page 151
William Rainey Harper Page 153
Death Dies Page 154
Three Most Significant Books Page 157
No Place To Hide Page 158
The Irony Of The Safety Lamp Page 159
The Prussian Connection Page 161
The Land of Frankenstein Page 161
The Long Reach Of The Teutonic Knights Page 164
The Prussian Reform Movement Page 167
Travelers' Reports Page 169
Finding Work For Intellectuals Page 171
The Technology Of Subjection Page 173
The German/American Reichsbank Page 176
A Coal-Fired Dream World Page 178
Coal At The Bottom Of Things Page 178
The Demon Of Overproduction Page 180
The Quest For Arcadia Page 181
Managerial Utopia Page 182
The Positive Method Page 184
Plato's Guardians Page 186
Far-Sighted Businessmen Page 189
Coal Gives The Coup De Grace Page 191
The Spectre Of Uncontrolled Breeding Page 193
Global Associations Of Technique Page 194
Labor Becomes Expendable Page 196
Burying Children Alive Page 197
The End Of Competition Page 199
America Is Massified Page 200
German Mind Science Page 201
The Cult of Scientific Management Page 204
Frederick W. Taylor Page 204
The Adoption Of Business Organization By Schools Page 207
The Ford System And The Kronstadt Commune Page 209
The National Press Attack On Academic Schooling Page 211
The Open Conspiracy Page 217
An Everlasting Faith Page 219
Regulating Lives Like Machinery Page 221
The Gary Plan Page 222
The Jewish Student Riots Page 223
The Rockefeller Report Page 225
Obstacles On The Road To Centralization Page 228
My Green River Page 23 1
The Character Of A Village Page 231
Singing And Fishing Were Free Page 232
The Greatest Fun Was Watching People Work Page 233
Sitting In The Dark Page 234
I Hung Around A Lot In Monongahela Page 236
Shooting Birds Page 239
On Punishment Page 240
Separations Page 241
Principles Page 248
Frances "Bootie" Zimmer Page 249
Walking Around Monongahela Page 251
The College Of Zimmer And Hegel Page 252
The Church Page 255
The Struggle For Homogeneity Page 255
Eugenics Arrives Page 256
Mr. Hitler Reads Mr. Ford Page 257
Racial Suicide Page 259
The Passing Of The Great Race Page 263
The Poison Of Democracy Page 265
The American Protective League Page 266
Guaranteed Customers Page 267
Industrial Efficiency Page 268
High-Pressure Salesmanship Page 270
A New Collectivism Page 271
Daughters of the Barons of Runnemede Page 273
A Scientifically Humane Future Page 273
Exclusive Heredity Page 273
Divinely Appointed Intelligence Page 274
The Paxton Boys Page 275
Soldiers For Their Class Page 276
Organizing Caste Page 278
Your Family Tree Page 280
The Fatal Sound Shift Page 281
Our Manifest Destiny Page 282
The Lost Tribes Page 283
Unpopular Government Page 285
Kinship Is Mythical Page 285
The Machine Gun Builds Hotchkiss Page 286
Fountains Of Business Wealth Page 288
The General Education Board And Friends Page 289
The Empty Child Page 296
Miss Skinner Sleeps Scientifically Page 296
Behaviorists Page 298
Plasticity Page 300
Elasticity Page 301
Emptiness: The Master Theory Page 304
A Metaphysical Commitment Page 305
The Limits Of Behavioral Theory Page 306
Reality Engages The Banana Page 307
Programming The Empty Child Page 308
Dr. Watson Presumes Page 309
Cleaning The Canvas Page 311
Therapy As Curriculum Page 313
The New Thought Tide Page 314
To Abolish Thinking Page 315
Wundt! Page 317
Napoleon Of Mind Science Page 319
What Is Sanity? Page 320
Bending The Student To Reality Page 323
Paying Children To Learn Page 325
Absolute Absolution Page 328
The Problem Of God Page 328
Spirits Are Dangerous Page 329
Foundations Of The Western Outlook Page 330
Codes Of Meaning Page 332
The Scientific Curriculum Page 333
Everson v. Board Of Education (1947) Page 335
Judaism Page 337
The Dalai Lama And The Genius Of The West Page 338
Religion And Rationality Page 341
The Illusion Of Punishment Page 343
The Psychopathology Of Everyday Schooling Page 347
An Arena Of Dishonesty Page 347
The Game Is Crooked Page 350
Psychopathic Programming Page 350
What Really Goes On Page 353
Pathology As A Natural Byproduct Page 355
A Critical Appraisal Page 356
Vox Populi Page 358
The Systems Idea In Action Page 359
The Conspiracy Against Ourselves Page 361
Two Social Revolutions Become One Page 361
The Fear Of Common Intelligence Page 363
The Cult Of Forced Schooling Page 364
Disinherited Men And Women Page 368
Serving The Imperial Virus Page 371
Quill-Driving Babus Page 372
The Release From Tutelage Page 375
The Politics of Schooling Page 376
Three Holes In My Floor Page 376
Power ± 22 Page 379
PLAYERS IN THE SCHOOL GAME Page 379
FIRST CATEGORY: Government Agencies Page 379
SECOND CATEGORY: Active Special Interests Page 380
THIRD CATEGORY: The "Knowledge" Industry Page 380
Valhalla Page 382
I'm A Flunky. So's My Kid Page 383
It's Not Your Money Page 383
A Billion. Six For KC Page 385
Education's Most Powerful Voice Page 386
Letter To The Editor Page 387
A Quality Education Page 389
Who Controls American Education? Page 390
The Logical Tragedy Of Benson. Vermont Page 391
Natural Selection Page 394
The Great Transformation Page 399
Propaganda Page 399
Freud's Nephew Page 401
Magic At Work Page 403
The Culture Of Big Business Page 403
Four Kinds Of Classroom Page 406
The Planetary Management Corporation Page 407
Breaking Out of the Trap Page 408
Silicon Valley Page 408
Deregulating Opportunity Page 410
Selling From Your Truck Page 412
Mudsill Theory Page 413
Autonomous Technology Page 417
The Bell Curve Page 420
George Meegan Page 420
Necking In The Guardhouse Page 421
Tania Aebi Page 423
A Fool's Bargain Page 423
Roland Legiardi-Laura Page 424
The Squeeze Page 425
Wendy Zeigler/Amy Halpern Page 426
A Magnificent Memory Page 427
Prince Charles Visits Steel Valley High Page 427
Empty Children Page 429
Schoolbooks Page 430
Almost The End Page 431
I Would Prefer Not To Page 433
Nuts And Bolts Page 435
Epilogue Page 440
Prologue
Bianca, You Animal, Shut Up!
Our problem in understanding forced schooling stems from an inconvenient fact: that the wrong it
does from a human perspective is right from a systems perspective. You can see this in the case of
six- year-old Bianca, who came to my attention because an assistant principal screamed at her in
front of an assembly, "BIANCA, YOU ANIMAL, SHUT UP!" Like the wail of a banshee, this
sang the school doom of Bianca. Even though her body continued to shuffle around, the voodoo
had poisoned her.
Do I make too much of this simple act of putting a little girl in her place? It must happen
thousands of times every day in schools all over. I've seen it many times, and if I were painfully
honest I'd admit to doing it many times. Schools are supposed to teach kids their place. That's
why we have age-graded classes. In any case, it wasn't your own little Janey or mine.
Most of us tacitly accept the pragmatic terms of public school which allow every kind of psychic
violence to be inflicted on Bianca in order to fulfill the prime directive of the system: putting
children in their place. It's called "social efficiency." But I get this precognition, this flash- forward
to a moment far in the future when your little girl Jane, having left her comfortable home, wakes
up to a world where Bianca is her enraged meter maid, or the passport clerk Jane counts on for
her emergency ticket out of the country, or the strange lady who lives next door.
I picture this animal Bianca grown large and mean, the same Bianca who didn't go to school for a
month after her little friends took to whispering, "Bianca is an animal, Bianca is an animal," while
Bianca, only seconds earlier a human being like themselves, sat choking back tears, struggling her
way through a reading selection by guessing what the words meant.
In my dream I see Bianca as a fiend manufactured by schooling who now regards Janey as a
vehicle for vengeance. In a transport of passion she:
a. Gives Jane's car a ticket before the meter runs out.
b. Throws away Jane's passport application after Jane leaves the office.
c. Plays heavy metal music through the thin partition which separates Bianca's apartment
from Jane's while Jane pounds frantically on the wall for relief.
d. All the above.
You aren't compelled to loan your car to anyone who wants it, but you are compelled to
surrender your school-age child to strangers who process children for a livelihood, even though
one in every nine schoolchildren is terrified of physical harm happening to them in school, terrified
with good cause; about thirty-three are murdered there every year. From 1992 through 1999, 262
children were murdered in school in the United States. Your great -great -grandmother didn't have
to surrender her children. What happened?
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If I demanded you give up your television to an anonymous, itinerant repairman who needed work
you'd think I was crazy; if I came with a policeman who forced you to pay that repairman even
after he broke your set, you would be outraged. Why are you so docile when you give up your
child to a government agent called a schoolteacher?
I want to open up concealed aspects of modem schooling such as the deterioration it forces in the
morality of parenting. You have no say at all in choosing your teachers. You know nothing about
their backgrounds or families. And the state knows little more than you do. This is as radical a
piece of social engineering as the human imagination can conceive. What does it mean?
One thing you do know is how unlikely it will be for any teacher to understand the personality of
your particular child or anything significant about your family, culture, religion, plans, hopes,
dreams. In the confusion of school affairs even teachers so disposed don't have opportunity to
know those things. How did this happen?
Before you hire a company to build a house, you would, I expect, insist on detailed plans showing
what the finished structure was going to look like. Building a child's mind and character is what
public schools do, their justification for prematurely breaking family and neighborhood learning.
Where is documentary evidence to prove this assumption that trained and certified professionals
do it better than people who know and love them can? There isn't any.
The cost in New York State for building a well-schooled child in the year 2000 is $200,000 per
body when lost interest is calculated. That capital sum invested in the child's name over the past
twelve years would have delivered a million dollars to each kid as a nest egg to compensate for
having no school. The original $200,000 is more than the average home in New York costs. You
wouldn't build a home without some idea what it would look like when finished, but you are
compelled to let a corps of perfect strangers tinker with your child's mind and personality without
the foggiest idea what they want to do with it.
Law courts and legislatures have totally absolved school people from liability. You can sue a
doctor for malpractice, not a schoolteacher. Every homebuilder is accountable to customers years
after the home is built; not schoolteachers, though. You can't sue a priest, minister, or rabbi
either; that should be a clue.
If you can't be guaranteed even minimal results by these institutions, not even physical safety; if
you can't be guaranteed anything except that you'll be arrested if you fail to surrender your kid,
just what does the public in public schools mean?
What exactly is public about public schools? That's a question to take seriously. If schools were
public as libraries, parks, and swimming pools are public, as highways and sidewalks are public,
then the public would be satisfied with them most of the time. Instead, a situation of constant
dissatisfaction has spanned many decades. Only in Orwell's Newspeak, as perfected by legendary
spin doctors of the twentieth century such as Ed Bernays or Ivy Lee or great advertising
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combines, is there anything public about public schools.
I Quit, I Think
In the first year of the last decade of the twentieth century during my thirtieth year as a school
teacher in Community School District 3, Manhattan, after teaching in all five secondary schools in
the district, crossing swords with one professional administration after another as they strove to
rid themselves of me, after having my license suspended twice for insubordination and terminated
covertly once while I was on medical leave of absence, after the City University of New York
borrowed me for a five-year stint as a lecturer in the Education Department (and the faculty rating
handbook published by the Student Council gave me the highest ratings in the department my last
three years), after planning and bringing about the most successful permanent school fund-raiser
in New York City history, after placing a single eighth-grade class into 30,000 hours of volunteer
community service, after organizing and financing a student-run food cooperative, after securing
over a thousand apprenticeships, directing the collection of tens of thousands of books for the
construction of private student libraries, after producing four talking job dictionaries for the blind,
writing two original student musicals, and launching an armada of other initiatives to reintegrate
students within a larger human reality, I quit.
I was New York State Teacher of the Year when it happened. An accumulation of disgust and
frustration which grew too heavy to be borne finally did me in. To test my resolve I sent a short
essay to The Wall Street Journal titled "I Quit, I Think.'' In it I explained my reasons for deciding
to wrap it up, even though I had no savings and not the slightest idea what else I might do in my
mid-fifties to pay the rent. In its entirety it read like this:
Government schooling is the most radical adventure in history. It kills the family by monopolizing
the best times of childhood and by teaching disrespect for home and parents. The whole blueprint
of school procedure is Egyptian, not Greek or Roman. It grows from the theological idea that
human value is a scarce thing, represented symbolically by the narrow peak of a pyramid.
That idea passed into American history through the Puritans. It found its "scientific" presentation
in the bell curve, along which talent supposedly apportions itself by some Iron Law of Biology.
It's a religious notion, School is its church. I offer rituals to keep heresy at bay. I provide
documentation to justify the heavenly pyramid.
Socrates foresaw if teaching became a formal profession, something like this would happen.
Professional interest is served by making what is easy to do seem hard; by subordinating the laity
to the priesthood. School is too vital a jobs-project, contract giver and protector of the social
order to allow itself to be "re-formed." It has political allies to guard its marches, that's why
reforms come and go without changing much. Even reformers can't imagine school much
different.
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David learns to read at age four; Rachel, at age nine: In normal development, when both are 13,
you can't tell which one learned first — the five-year spread means nothing at all. But in school I
label Rachel "learning disabled" and slow David down a bit, too. For a paycheck, I adjust David
to depend on me to tell him when to go and stop. He won't outgrow that dependency. I identify
Rachel as discount merchandise, "special education" fodder. She'll be locked in her place forever.
In 30 years of teaching kids rich and poor I almost never met a learning disabled child; hardly ever
met a gifted and talented one either. Like all school categories, these are sacred myths, created by
human imagination. They derive from questionable values we never examine because they
preserve the temple of schooling.
That's the secret behind short-answer tests, bells, uniform time blocks, age grading,
standardization, and all the rest of the school religion punishing our nation. There isn't a right way
to become educated; there are as many ways as fingerprints. We don't need state-certified
teachers to make education happen — that probably guarantees it won't.
How much more evidence is necessary? Good schools don't need more money or a longer year;
they need real free-market choices, variety that speaks to every need and runs risks. We don't
need a national curriculum or national testing either. Both initiatives arise from ignorance of how
people learn or deliberate indifference to it. I can't teach this way any longer. If you hear of a job
where I don't have to hurt kids to make a living, let me know. Come fall I'll be looking for work.
The New Individualism
The little essay went off in March and I forgot it. Somewhere along the way I must have gotten a
note saying it would be published at the editor's discretion, but if so, it was quickly forgotten in
the press of turbulent feelings that accompanied my own internal struggle. Finally, on July 5,
1991, 1 swallowed hard and quit. Twenty days later the Journal published the piece. A week later
I was studying invitations to speak at NASA Space Center, the Western White House, the
Nashville Center for the Arts, Columbia Graduate Business School, the Colorado Librarian's
Convention, Apple Computer, and the financial control board of United Technologies
Corporation. Nine years later, still enveloped in the orbit of compulsion schooling, I had spoken
750 times in fifty states and seven foreign countries. I had no agent and never advertised, but a lot
of people made an effort to find me. It was as if parents were starving for someone to tell them
the truth.
My hunch is it wasn't so much what I was saying that kept the lecture round unfolding, but that a
teacher was speaking out at all and the curious fact that I represented nobody except myself. In
the great school debate, this is unheard of. Every single voice allowed regular access to the
national podium is the mouthpiece of some association, corporation, university, agency, or
institutionalized cause. The poles of debate blocked out by these ritualized, figurehead voices are
extremely narrow. Each has a stake in continuing forced schooling much as it is.
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As I traveled, I discovered a universal hunger, often unvoiced, to be free of managed debate. A
desire to be given untainted information. Nobody seemed to have maps of where this thing had
come from or why it acted as it did, but the ability to smell a rat was alive and well all over
America.
Exactly what John Dewey heralded at the onset of the twentieth century has indeed happened.
Our once highly individualized nation has evolved into a centrally managed village, an agora made
up of huge special interests which regard individual voices as irrelevant. The masquerade is
managed by having collective agencies speak through particular human beings. Dewey said this
would mark a great advance in human affairs, but the net effect is to reduce men and women to
the status of functions in whatever subsystem they are placed. Public opinion is turned on and off
in laboratory fashion. All this in the name of social efficiency, one of the two main goals of forced
schooling.
Dewey called this transformation "the new individualism" When I stepped into the job of
schoolteacher in 1961, the new individualism was sitting in the driver's seat all over urban
America, a far cry from my own school days on the Monongahela when the Lone Ranger, not
Sesame Street, was our nation's teacher, and school things weren't nearly so oppressive. But
gradually they became something else in the euphoric times following WWII. Easy money and
easy travel provided welcome relief from wartime austerity, the advent of television, the new
nonstop theater, offered easy laughs, effortless entertainment. Thus preoccupied, Americans failed
to notice the deliberate conversion of formal education that was taking place, a transformation
that would turn school into an instrument of the leviathan state. Who made that happen and why
is part of the story I have to tell.
School As Religion
Nothing about school is what it seems, not even boredom. To show you what I mean is the
burden of this long essay. My book represents a try at arranging my own thoughts in order to
figure out what fifty years of classroom confinement (as student and teacher) add up to for me.
You'll encounter a great deal of speculative history here. This is a personal investigation of why
school is a dangerous place. It's not so much that anyone there sets out to hurt children; more
that all of us associated with the institution are stuck like flies in the same great web your kids are.
We buzz frantically to cover our own panic but have little power to help smaller flies.
Looking backward on a thirty-year teaching career full of rewards and prizes, somehow I can't
completely believe that I spent my time on earth institutionalized; I can't believe that centralized
schooling is allowed to exist at all as a gigantic indoctrination and sorting machine, robbing
people of their children. Did it really happen? Was this my life? God help me.
School is a religion. Without understanding the holy mission aspect you're certain to misperceive
what takes place as a result of human stupidity or venality or even class warfare. All are present in
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the equation, it's just that none of these matter very much — even without them school would
move in the same direction. Dewey's Pedagogic Creed statement of 1 897 gives you a clue to the
Zeitgeist:
Every teacher should realize he is a social servant set apart for the maintenance of the proper
social order and the securing of the right social growth. In this way the teacher is always the
prophet of the true God and the usherer in of the true kingdom of heaven.
What is "proper" social order? What does "right" social growth look like? If you don't know
you're like me, not like John Dewey who did, or the Rockefellers, his patrons, who did, too.
Somehow out of the industrial confusion which followed the Civil War, powerful men and
dreamers became certain what kind of social order America needed, one very like the British
system we had escaped a hundred years earlier. This realization didn't arise as a product of public
debate as it should have in a democracy, but as a distillation of private discussion. Their ideas
contradicted the original American charter but that didn't disturb them. They had a stupendous
goal in mind — the rationalization of everything. The end of unpredictable history; its
transformation into dependable order.
From mid-century onwards certain Utopian schemes to retard maturity in the interests of a greater
good were put into play, following roughly the blueprint Rousseau laid down in the book Emile.
At least rhetorically. The first goal, to be reached in stages, was an orderly, scientifically managed
society, one in which the best people would make the decisions, unhampered by democratic
tradition. After that, human breeding, the evolutionary destiny of the species, would be in reach.
Universal institutionalized formal forced schooling was the prescription, extending the
dependency of the young well into what had traditionally been early adult life. Individuals would
be prevented from taking up important work until a relatively advanced age. Maturity was to be
retarded.
During the post-Civil War period, childhood was extended about four years. Later, a special label
was created to describe very old children. It was called adolescence, a phenomenon hitherto
unknown to the human race. The infantilization of young people didn't stop at the beginning of
the twentieth century; child labor laws were extended to cover more and more kinds of work, the
age of school leaving set higher and higher. The greatest victory for this Utopian project was
making school the only avenue to certain occupations. The intention was ultimately to draw all
work into the school net. By the 1950s it wasn't unusual to find graduate students well into their
thirties, running errands, waiting to start their lives.
He Was Square Inside And Brown
Barbara Whiteside showed me a poem written by a high school senior in Alton, Illinois, two
weeks before he committed suicide:
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He drew... the things inside that needed saying.
Beautiful pictures he kept under his pillow.
When he started school he brought them...
To have along like a friend.
It was funny about school, he sat at a square brown desk Like all
the other square brown desks... and his room Was a square brown
room like all the other rooms, tight And close and stiff.
He hated to hold the pencil and chalk, his arms stiff
His feet flat on the floor, stiff, the teacher watching
And watching. She told him to wear a tie like
All the other boys, he said he didn't like them.
She said it didn't matter what he liked. After that the class drew.
He drew all yellow. It was the way he felt about Morning. The
Teacher came and smiled, "What's this?
Why don't you draw something like Ken's drawing?"
After that his mother bought him a tie, and he always Drew
airplanes and rocketships like everyone else.
He was square inside and brown and his hands were stiff. The
things inside that needed saying didn't need it
Anymore, they had stopped pushing.. . crushed, stiff
Like everything else.
After I spoke in Nashville, a mother named Debbie pressed a handwritten note on me which I read
on the airplane to Binghamton, New York:
We started to see Brandon flounder in the first grade, hives, depression, he
cried every night after he asked his father, "Is tomorrow school, too?" In
second grade the physical stress became apparent. The teacher pronounced
his problem Attention Deficit Syndrome. My happy, bouncy child was now
looked at as a medical problem, by us as well as the school.
A doctor, a psychiatrist, and a school authority all determined he did have this
affliction. Medication was stressed along with behavior modification. If it was
suspected that Brandon had not been medicated he was sent home. My
square peg needed a bit of whittling to fit their round hole, it seemed.
I cried as I watched my parenting choices stripped away. My ignorance of
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options allowed Brandon to be medicated through second grade. The tears
and hives continued another full year until I couldn't stand it. I began to
homeschool Brandon. It was his salvation. No more pills, tears, or hives. He
is thriving. He never cries now and does his work eagerly.
The New Dumbness
Ordinary people send their children to school to get smart, but what modern schooling teaches is
dumbness. It's a religious idea gone out of control. You don't have to accept that, though, to
realize this kind of economy would be jeopardized by too many smart people who understand too
much. I won't ask you to take that on faith. Be patient. I'll let a famous American publisher
explain to you the secret of our global financial success in just a little while. Be patient.
Old-fashioned dumbness used to be simple ignorance; now it is transformed from ignorance into
permanent mathematical categories of relative stupidity like "gifted and talented," "mainstream,"
"special ed." Categories in which learning is rationed for the good of a system of order. Dumb
people are no longer merely ignorant. Now they are indoctrinated, their minds conditioned with
substantial doses of commercially prepared disinformation dispensed for tranquilizing purposes.
Jacques Ellul, whose book Propaganda is a reflection on the phenomenon, warned us that
prosperous children are more susceptible than others to the effects of schooling because they are
promised more lifelong comfort and security for yielding wholly:
Critical judgment disappears altogether, for in no way can there ever be
collective critical judgment.... The individual can no longer judge for himself
because he inescapably relates his thoughts to the entire complex of values and
prejudices established by propaganda. With regard to political situations, he is
given ready-made value judgments invested with the power of the truth by.. .the
word of experts.
The new dumbness is particularly deadly to middle- and upper-middle-class kids already made
shallow by multiple pressures to conform imposed by the outside world on their usually lightly
rooted parents. When they come of age, they are certain they must know something because their
degrees and licenses say they do. They remain so convinced until an unexpectedly brutal divorce,
a corporate downsizing in midlife, or panic attacks of meaninglessness upset the precarious
balance of their incomplete humanity, their stillborn adult lives. Alan Bullock, the English
historian, said Evil was a state of incompetence. If true, our school adventure has filled the
twentieth century with evil.
Ellul puts it this way:
The individual has no chance to exercise his judgment either on principal
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questions or on their implication; this leads to the atrophy of a faculty not
comfortably exercised under [the best of] conditions... Once personal judgment
and critical faculties have disappeared or have atrophied, they will not simply
reappear when propaganda is suppressed... years of intellectual and spiritual
education would be needed to restore such faculties. The propagandee, if
deprived of one propaganda, will immediately adopt another, this will spare
him the agony of finding himself vis a vis some event without a ready-made
opinion.
Once the best children are broken to such a system, they disintegrate morally, becoming
dependent on group approval. A National Merit Scholar in my own family once wrote that her
dream was to be "a small part in a great machine." It broke my heart. What kids dumbed down by
schooling can't do is to think for themselves or ever be at rest for very long without feeling crazy;
stupefied boys and girls reveal dependence in many ways easily exploitable by their
knowledgeable elders.
According to all official analysis, dumbness isn't taught (as I claim), but is innate in a great
percentage of what has come to be called "the workforce." Workforce itself is a term that should
tell you much about the mind that governs modern society. According to official reports, only a
small fraction of the population is capable of what you and I call mental life: creative thought,
analytical thought, judgmental thought, a trio occupying the three highest positions on Bloom's
Taxonomy of Educational Objectives. Just how small a fraction would shock you. According to
experts, the bulk of the mob is hopelessly dumb, even dangerously so. Perhaps you're a willing
accomplice to this social coup which revived the English class system. Certainly you are if your
own child has been rewarded with a "gifted and talented" label by your local school. This is what
Dewey means by "proper" social order.
If you believe nothing can be done for the dumb except kindness, because it's biology (the
bell-curve model); if you believe capitalist oppressors have ruined the dumb because they are bad
people (the neo-Marxist model); if you believe dumbness reflects depraved moral fiber (the
Calvinist model); or that it's nature's way of disqualifying boobies from the reproduction
sweepstakes (the Darwinian model); or nature's way of providing someone to clean your toilet
(the pragmatic elitist model); or that it's evidence of bad karma (the Buddhist model); if you
believe any of the various explanations given for the position of the dumb in the social order we
have, then you will be forced to concur that a vast bureaucracy is indeed necessary to address the
dumb. Otherwise they would murder us in our beds.
The shocking possibility that dumb people don't exist in sufficient numbers to warrant the careers
devoted to tending to them will seem incredible to you. Yet that is my proposition: Mass
dumbness first had to be imagined; it isn't real.
Once the dumb are wished into existence, they serve valuable functions: as a danger to themselves
and others they have to be watched, classified, disciplined, trained, medicated, sterilized,
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ghettoized, cajoled, coerced, jailed. To idealists they represent a challenge, reprobates to be made
socially useful. Either way you want it, hundreds of millions of perpetual children require paid
attention from millions of adult custodians. An ignorant horde to be schooled one way or another.
Putting Pedagogy To The Question
More than anything else, this book is a work of intuition. The official story of why we school
doesn't add up today any more than it did yesterday. A few years before I quit, I began to try to
piece together where this school project came from, why it took the shape it took, and why every
attempt to change it has ended in abysmal failure.
By now I've invested the better part of a decade looking for answers. If you want a conventional
history of schooling, or education as it is carelessly called, you'd better stop reading now.
Although years of research in the most arcane sources are reflected here, throughout it's mainly
intuition that drives my synthesis.
This is in part a private narrative, the map of a schoolteacher's mind as it tracked strands in the
web in which it had been wrapped; in part a public narrative, an account of the latest chapter in an
ancient war: the conflict between systems which offer physical safety and certainty at the cost of
suppressing free will, and those which offer liberty at the price of constant risk. If you keep both
plots in mind, no matter how far afield my book seems to range, you won't wonder what a
chapter on coal or one on private hereditary societies has to do with schoolchildren.
What I'm most determined to do is start a conversation among those who've been silent up until
now, and that includes schoolteachers. We need to put sterile discussions of grading and testing,
discipline, curriculum, multiculturalism and tracking aside as distractions, as mere symptoms of
something larger, darker, and more intransigent than any problem a problem-solver could tackle
next week. Talking endlessly about such things encourages the bureaucratic tactic of talking
around the vital, messy stuff In partial compensation for your effort, I promise you'll discover
what's in the mind of a man who spent his life in a room with children.
Give an ear, then, to what follows. We shall cross-examine history together. We shall put
pedagogy to the question. And if the judgment following this auto da fe is that only pain can make
this monster relax its grip, let us pray together for the courage to inflict it.
Reading my essay will help you sort things out. It will give you a different topological map upon
which to fix your own position. No doubt I've made some factual mistakes, but essays since
Montaigne have been about locating truth, not about assembling facts. Truth and fact aren't the
same thing. My essay is meant to mark out crudely some ground for a scholarship of schooling,
my intention is that you not continue to regard the official project of education through an older,
traditional perspective, but to see it as a frightening chapter in the administrative organization of
knowledge — a text we must vigorously repudiate as our ancestors once did. We live together, you
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and I, in a dark time when all official history is propaganda. If you want truth, you have to
struggle for it. This is my struggle. Let me bear witness to what I have seen.
Author's Note
With conspiracy so close to the surface of the American imagination and American reality, I can
only approach with trepidation the task of discouraging you in advance from thinking my book
the chronicle of some vast diabolical conspiracy to seize all our children for the personal ends of a
small, elite minority.
Don't get me wrong, American schooling has been replete with chicanery from its very
beginnings.*
Indeed, it isn't difficult to find various conspirators boasting in public about what they pulled off.
But if you take that tack you'll miss the real horror of what I'm trying to describe, that what has
happened to our schools was inherent in the original design for a planned economy and a planned
society laid down so proudly at the end of the nineteenth century. I think what happened would
have happened anyway — without the legions of venal, half-mad men and women who schemed so
hard to make it as it is. If I'm correct, we're in a much worse position than we would be if we
were merely victims of an evil genius or two.
If you obsess about conspiracy, what you'll fail to see is that we are held fast by a form of highly
abstract thinking fully concretized in human institutions which has grown beyond the power of the
managers of these institutions to control. If there is a way out of the trap we're in, it won't be by
removing some bad guys and replacing them with good guys.
Who are the villains, really, but ourselves? People can change, but systems cannot without losing
their structural integrity. Even Henry Ford, a Jew-baiter of such colossal proportions he was
lionized by Adolf Hitler in Mein Kampf, made a public apology and denied to his death he had
ever intended to hurt Jews — a too strict interpretation of Darwin made him do it! The great
industrialists who gave us modern compulsion schooling inevitably found their own principles
subordinated to systems-purposes, just as happened to the rest of us.
Take Andrew Carnegie, the bobbin boy, who would certainly have been as appalled as the rest of
us at the order to fire on strikers at his Homestead plant. But the system he helped to create was
committed to pushing men until they reacted violently or dropped dead. It was called "the Iron
Law of Wages." Once his colleagues were interested in the principles of the Iron Law, they could
only see the courage and defiance of the Homestead strikers as an opportunity to provoke a crisis
which would allow the steel union to be broken with state militia and public funds. Crushing
opposition is the obligatory scene in the industrial drama, whatever it takes, and no matter how
much individual industrial leaders like Carnegie might be reluctant to do so.
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My worry was about finding a prominent ally to help me present this idea that inhuman
anthropology is what we confront in our institutional schools, not conspiracy. The hunt paid off
with the discovery of an analysis of the Ludlow Massacre by Walter Lippmann in the New
Republic of January 30, 1915. Following the Rockefeller slaughter of up to forty-seven, mostly
women and children, in the tent camp of striking miners at Ludlow, Colorado, a congressional
investigation was held which put John D. Rockefeller Jr. on the defensive. Rockefeller agents had
employed armored cars, machine guns, and fire bombs in his name. As Lippmann tells it,
Rockefeller was charged with having the only authority to authorize such a massacre, but also
with too much indifference to what his underlings were up to. "Clearly," said the industrial
magnate, "both cannot be true."
As Lippmann recognized, this paradox is the worm at the core of all colossal power. Both indeed
could be true. For ten years Rockefeller hadn't even seen this property; what he knew of it came
in reports from his managers he scarcely could have read along with mountains of similar reports
coming to his desk each day. He was compelled to rely on the word of others. Drawing an
analogy between Rockefeller and the czar of Russia, Lippmann wrote that nobody believed the
czar himself performed the many despotic acts he was accused of; everyone knew a bureaucracy
did so in his name. But most failed to push that knowledge to its inevitable conclusion: If the czar
tried to change what was customary he would be undermined by his subordinates. He had no
defense against this happening because it was in the best interests of all the divisions of the
bureaucracy, including the army, that it — not the czar — continue to be in charge of things. The
czar was a prisoner of his own subjects. In Lippmann's words:
This seemed to be the predicament of Mr. Rockefeller. I should not believe he
personally hired thugs or wanted them hired. It seems far more true to say that
his impersonal and half-understood power has delegated itself into unsocial
forms, that it has assumed a life of its own which he is almost powerless to
control... His intellectual helplessness was the amazing part of his testimony.
Here was a man who represented wealth probably without parallel in history,
the successor to a father who has, with justice, been called the high priest of
capitalism.... Yet he talked about himself on the commonplace moral
assumptions of a small businessman.
The Rockefeller Foundation has been instrumental through the century just passed (along with a
few others) in giving us the schools we have. It imported the German research model into college
life, elevated service to business and government as the goal of higher education, not teaching.
And Rockefeller-financed University of Chicago and Columbia Teachers College have been
among the most energetic actors in the lower school tragedy. There is more, too, but none of it
means the Rockefeller family "masterminded" the school institution, or even that his foundation or
his colleges did. All became in time submerged in the system they did so much to create, almost
helpless to slow its momentum even had they so desired.
Despite its title, Underground History isn't a history proper, but a collection of materials toward a
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history, embedded in a personal essay analyzing why mass compulsion schooling is unreformable.
The history I have unearthed is important to our understanding; it's a good start, I believe, but
much remains undone. The burden of an essay is to reveal its author so candidly and thoroughly
that the reader comes fully awake. You are about to spend twenty-five to thirty hours with the
mind of a schoolteacher, but the relationship we should have isn't one of teacher to pupil but
rather that of two people in conversation. I'll offer ideas and a theory to explain things and you
bring your own experience to bear on the matters, supplementing and arguing where necessary.
Read with this goal before you and I promise your money's worth. It isn't important whether we
agree on every detail.
A brief word on sources. I've identified all quotations and paraphrases and given the origin of
many (not all) individual facts, but for fear the forest be lost in contemplation of too many trees,
I've avoided extensive footnoting. So much here is my personal take on things that it seemed
dishonest to grab you by the lapels that way: of minor value to those who already resonate on the
wavelength of the book, useless, even maddening, to those who do not.
This is a workshop of solutions as well as an attempt to frame the problem clearly, but be warned:
they are perversely sprinkled around like raisins in a pudding, nowhere grouped neatly as if to help
you study for a test — except for a short list at the very end. The advice there is practical, but
strictly limited to the world of compulsion schooling as it currently exists, not to the greater goal
of understanding how education occurs or is prevented. The best advice in this book is scattered
throughout and indirect, you'll have to work to extract it. It begins with the very first sentence of
the book where I remind you that what is right for systems is often wrong for human beings.
Translated into a recommendation, that means that to avoid the revenge of Bianca, we must be
prepared to insult systems for the convenience of humanity, not the other way around.
END
*For instance, for those of you who believe in testing, school superintendents as a class are
virtually the stupidest people to pass through a graduate college program, ranking fifty-one
points below the elementary school teachers they normally "supervise," (on the Graduate
Record Examination), and about eighty points below secondary-school teachers, while
teachers themselves as an aggregate finish seventeenth of twenty occupational groups
surveyed. The reader is of course at liberty to believe this happened accidentally, or that the
moon is composed of blue, not green, cheese as is popularly believed. It's also possible to
take this anomaly as conclusive evidence of the irrelevance of standardized testing. Your
choice.
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Chapter 1
A Nation From The Bottom Up
Whoever controls the image and information of the past determines what
and how future generations will think; whoever controls the information and
images of the present determines how those same people will view the past. 1
— George Orwell, 1984 (1949)
Take at hazard one hundred children of several educated generations and
one hundred uneducated children of the people and compare them in anything
you please; in strength, in agility, in mind, in the ability to acquire knowledge,
even in morality — and in all respects you are startled by the vast superiority
on the side of the children of the uneducated.
— Count Leo Tolstoy, "Education and Children " (1862)
ESTABLISHING SHOT
Fifty children of different ages are teaching each other while the schoolmaster hears lessons at his
desk from older students. An air of quiet activity fills the room. A wood stove crackles in the
corner. What drove the nineteenth-century school world celebrated in Edward Eggleston's classic,
The Hoosier Schoolmaster, was a society rich with concepts like duty, hard work, responsibility,
and self-reliance; a society overwhelmingly local in orientation although never so provincial it
couldn't be fascinated by the foreign and exotic. But when tent Chautauqua with its fanfare about
modern marvels left town, conversation readily returned to the text of local society.
Eggleston's America was a special place in modern history, one where the society was more
central than the national political state. Words can't adequately convey the stupendous radicalism
hidden in our quiet villages, a belief that ordinary people have a right to govern themselves. A
confidence that they can.
Most revolutionary of all was the conviction that personal rights can only be honored when the
political state is kept weak. In the classical dichotomy between liberty and subordination written
into our imagination by Locke and Hobbes in the seventeenth century, America struggled down
the libertarian road of Locke for awhile while her three godfather nations, England, Germany, and
France, followed Hobbes and established leviathan states through the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries. Toward the end, America began to follow the Old World's lead.
For Hobbes, social order depended upon state control of the inner life, a degree of mental
colonization unknown to the tyrants of history whose principal concern had been controlling the
bodies of their subjects. But the sheer size of an America without national roads or electronic
networks ensured that liberty would be nurtured outside the ring of government surveillance.
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Then, too, many Americans came out of the dissenting religious sects of England, independent
congregations which rejected church-state partnerships. The bulk of our population was socially
suspect anyway. Even our gentry was second and third string by English standards, gentlemen
without inheritances, the rest a raggle-taggle band of wastrels, criminals, shanghaied boys, poor
yeomanry, displaced peasants.
Benet, the poet, describes our founding stock:
The disavouched, hard-bitten pack
Shipped overseas to steal a continent
with neither shirts nor honor to their back.
In Last Essays, George Bemanos observes that America, unlike other nations, was built from the
bottom up. Francis Parkman made the same observation a century earlier. What America violently
rejected in its early republic was the Anglican "Homily On Obedience" set down by English
established-church doctrine in the Tudor state of 1562, a doctrine likening order in Heaven with
the English social order on Earth — fixed and immutable:
The sun, moon, stars, rainbows, thunder, lightning, clouds, and all the birds
of the air do keep their order. The earth, trees, seeds, plants, herbs, corn, grass,
and all manner of beasts keep themselves in order.... Every degree of people in
their vocations, callings and office has appointed to them their duty and order.
By 1776 the theocratic Utopia toward which such a principle moves, was well established in the
Britain of the German Georges, as well as in the three North German states of Prussia, Saxony,
and Hanover. Together with England, all three were to play an important role in twentieth-
century forced schooling in America. The same divine clock, superficially secularized, was
marking time in the interlude of Enlightenment France, the pre-revolutionary utopia which would
also have a potent effect on American school thought. Hobbes and his doctrine of mental
colonization eclipsed Locke everywhere else, but not in America.
1 This is Toynbee's paraphrase of Orwell's "Who controls the past constrold the future; who controls the present
controls the past."
You Had To Do It Yourself
CUT TO Abe Lincoln, by the fireplace in a log house. "An American," Francis Grund remarked in
1837, "is almost from his cradle brought up to reflect on his condition, and from the time he is
able to act, employed with the means of improving it."
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Lincoln, hardly a slouch as writer, speaker, or thinker, packed fifty weeks of formal schooling into
his entire life over the twelve -year period between 1814 and 1826. Even that little seemed a waste
of time to his relatives. Unless you want to argue that those few weeks made a decisive difference
to Abe, we need to look elsewhere for his education. Clifton Johnson thinks it happened this way:
He acquired much of his early education at home. In the evening he would
pile sticks of dry wood into the brick fireplace. These would blaze up brightly
and shed a strong light over the room, and the boy would lie down flat on the
floor before the hearth with his book in front of him. He used to write his
arithmetic sums on a large wooden shovel with a piece of charcoal. After
covering it all over with examples, he would take his jack-knife and whittle and
scrape the surface clean, ready for more ciphering. Paper was expensive and he
could not afford a slate. Sometimes when the shovel was not at hand he did his
figuring on the logs of the house walls and on the doorposts, and other
woodwork that afforded a surface he could mark on with his charcoal.
In Lincoln's Illinois and Kentucky, only reading, writing, and ciphering "to the Rule of Three"
were required of teachers, but in New England the business often attracted ambitious young men
like Noah Webster, confident and energetic, merely pausing on their way to greater things. Adam
Gurowski, mid-nineteenth- century traveler in our land, took special notice of the superiority of
American teachers. Their European brethren were, he said, "withered drifters" or "narrowed
martinets."
Young people in America were expected to make something of themselves, not to prepare
themselves to fit into a pre-established hierarchy. Every foreign commentator notes the early
training in independence, the remarkable precocity of American youth, their assumption of adult
responsibility. In his memoir, Tom Nichols, a New Hampshire schoolboy in thel820s, recalls the
electrifying air of expectation in early American schools:
Our teachers constantly stimulated us by the glittering prizes of wealth, honors,
offices, and distinctions, which were certainly within our reach — there were a
hundred avenues to wealth and fame opening fair before us if we only chose to
learn our lessons.
Overproduction, overcapacity, would have been an alien concept to that America, something
redolent of British mercantilism Our virgin soil and forests undermined the stern doctrine of
Calvinism by paying dividends to anyone willing to work. As Calvinism waned, contrarian
attitudes emerged which represented a new American religion. First, the conviction that
opportunity was available to all; second, that failure was the result of deficient character, not
predestination or bad placement on a biological bell curve.
Character flaws could be remedied, but only from the inside. You had to do it yourself through
courage, determination, honesty, and hard work. Don't discount this as hot air; it marks a critical
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difference between Americans and everyone else. Teachers had a place in this process of
self-creation, but it was an ambiguous one: anyone could teach, it was thought, just as anyone
could self-teach. Secular schools, always a peripheral institution, were viewed with ambivalence,
although teachers were granted some value — if only gratitude for giving mother a break. In the
southern and middle colonies, teachers were often convicts serving out their sentences, their place
in the social order caught in this advertisement of Washington's day:
RAN AWAY. A servant man who followed the occupation of
Schoolmaster. Much given to drinking and gambling.
Washington's own schoolmaster, "Hobby," was just such a bondsman. Traditional lore has it that
he laid the foundation for national greatness by whipping the devil out of Washington. Whipping
and humiliation seem to have always been an eternal staple of schooling. Evidence survives from
ancient Rome, Montaigne's France, Washington's Virginia — or my own high school in western
Pennsylvania in the 1950s, where the teacher's personalized paddle hung prominently at the
entrance to many a classroom, not for decoration but for use. The football coach and, if I recall
correctly, the algebra teacher customized their paddles, using a dry cell battery to fashion devices
similar to electrified cattle prods.
Something in the structure of schooling calls forth violence. While latter-day schools don't allow
energetic physical discipline, certainly they are state-of-the-art laboratories in humiliation, as your
own experience should remind you. In my first years of teaching I was told over and over that
humiliation was my best friend, more effective than whipping. I witnessed this theory in practice
through my time as a teacher. If you were to ask me now whether physical or psychological
violence does more damage, I would reply that slurs, aspersion, formal ranking, insult, and
inference are far and away the more deadly. Nor does law protect the tongue-lashed.
Early schools in America were quick with cuff or cane, but local standards demanded fairness.
Despotic teachers were often quarry themselves, as Washington Irving's "Legend of Sleepy
Hollow" warns us. Listen to the fate of schoolmaster Thomas Beveridge at the hands of the
upper-class Latin School in Philadelphia, eleven years before the Revolution:
He arrives, enters the school, and is permitted to proceed until he is
supposed to have nearly reached his chair at the upper end of the room, when
instantly the door, and every window shutter is closed. Now shrouded in utter
darkness the most hideous yells that can be conceived are sent forth from three
score of throats; and Ovids and Virgils and Horaces, together with the more
heavy metal of dictionaries, are hurled without remorse at the astonished
preceptor, who, groping and crawling under cover of the forms, makes the best
of his way to the door. When attained, a light is restored and a death- like
silence ensues.
Every boy is at his lesson: No one has had a hand or a voice in the recent atrocity. 2
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In the humbler setting of rural Indiana recreated by Eggleston for Hoosier Schoolmaster (1871),
we can easily see that passage of more than a century (and the replacement of rich kids by
farmers' sons and daughters) hasn't altered classroom dynamics:
When Ralph looked round on the faces of the scholars — the little faces full
of mischief and curiosity, the big faces full of an expression which was not
further removed than second-cousin from contempt — when young Hartsook
looked into these faces, his heart palpitated with stage fright. There is no
audience so hard to face as one of schoolchildren, as many a man has found to
his cost.
While Ralph was applying to a trustee of the school committee for this job, a large ugly bulldog
sniffed at his heels, causing a young girl to "nearly giggle her head off at the delightful prospect of
seeing a new schoolteacher eaten up by the ferocious brute." Weary, discouraged, "shivering with
fear," he is lectured:
You see, we a 'n't none of your soft sort in these diggin's. It takes a man to
boss this deestrick...if you git licked, don't come to us. Flat Crick don't pay no
'nsurance, you bet! ...it takes grit to apply for this school. The last master had
a black eye for a month.
2 This incident was memorialized by Beveridge's pupil, Alexander Graydon.
No Limit To Pain For Those Who Allow It
One of the most telling accounts of schooling ever penned comes directly from the lips of a
legendary power broker, Colonel Edward Mandel House, one of these grand shadowy figures in
American history. House had a great deal to do with America's entry into WWI as a deliberate
project to seize German markets in chemicals, armor plate and shipping, an aspect of our
bellicosity rarely mentioned in scholastic histories. When peace came, House's behind-the-scenes
maneuvering in the League of Nations contributed to repudiation of the organization. His
management of President Wilson led to persistent stories that Wilson was little more than a
puppet of the Colonel.
In his memoirs, The Intimate Papers of Colonel House, we get a glimpse of elite American
schooling in the 1 870s. House's early years were school-free. He grew up after the Civil War,
near Houston, Texas:
My brother James, six years older than I, was the leader. ...We all had guns
and pistols... there were no childish games excepting those connected with
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war. [House was nine at the time.] In the evening around the fireside there
were told tales of daring deeds that we strove to emulate.... I cannot remember
the time when I began to ride and to shoot.... I had many narrow escapes.
Twice I came near killing one of my playmates in the reckless use of firearms.
They were our toys and death our playmate.
At the age of fourteen House was sent to school in Virginia. The cruelty of the other boys made
an indelible impression on his character, as you can sift from this account:
I made up my mind at the second attempt to haze me that I would not
permit it. I not only had a pistol but a large knife, and with these I held the
larger, rougher boys at bay. There was no limit to the lengths they would go in
hazing those who would allow it. One form I recall was that of going through
the pretense of hanging. They would tie a boy's hands behind him and string
him up by the neck over a limb until he grew purple in the face. None of it,
however, fell to me. What was done to those who permitted it is almost
beyond belief.
At the Hopkins Grammar School in New Haven at the age of seventeen, during the Hayes-Tilden
campaign of 1876, House began to "hang around" political offices instead of "attending to
studies." He came to be recognized and was given small privileges. When the election had to be
ultimately settled by an Electoral Commission he was allowed to "slip in and out of hearings at
will." House again:
All this was educational in its way, though not the education I was placed in
Hopkins Grammar School to get, and it is no wonder that I lagged at the end
of my class. I had no interest in desk tasks, but I read much and was learning in
a larger and more interesting school.
House's story was written over and over in the short, glorious history of American education
before schooling took over. Young Americans were allowed close to the mechanism of things.
This rough and tumble practice kept social class elastic and American achievement in every
practical field superb.
The Art Of Driving
Now come back to the present while I demonstrate that the identical trust placed in ordinary
people two hundred years ago still survives where it suits managers of our economy to allow it.
Consider the art of driving, which I learned at the age of eleven. Without everybody behind the
wheel, our sort of economy would be impossible, so everybody is there, IQ notwithstanding. With
less than thirty hours of combined training and experience, a hundred million people are allowed
access to vehicular weapons more lethal than pistols or rifles. Turned loose without a teacher, so
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to speak. Why does our government make such presumptions of competence, placing nearly
unqualified trust in drivers, while it maintains such a tight grip on near-monopoly state schooling?
An analogy will illustrate just how radical this trust really is. What if I proposed that we hand
three sticks of dynamite and a detonator to anyone who asked for them. All an applicant would
need is money to pay for the explosives. You'd have to be an idiot to agree with my plan — at least
based on the assumptions you picked up in school about human nature and human competence.
And yet gasoline, a spectacularly mischievous explosive, dangerously unstable and with the
intriguing characteristic as an assault weapon that it can flow under locked doors and saturate
bulletproof clothing, is available to anyone with a container. Five gallons of gasoline have the
destructive power of a stick of dynamite. 3 The average tank holds fifteen gallons, yet no
background check is necessary for dispenser or dispensee. As long as gasoline is freely available,
gun control is beside the point. Push on. Why do we allow access to a portable substance capable
of incinerating houses, torching crowded theaters, or even turning skyscrapers into infernos? We
haven't even considered the battering ram aspect of cars — why are novice operators allowed to
command a ton of metal capable of hurtling through school crossings at up to two miles a minute?
Why do we give the power of fife and death this way to everyone?
It should strike you at once that our unstated official assumptions about human nature are dead
wrong. Nearly all people are competent and responsible; universal motoring proves that. The
efficiency of motor vehicles as terrorist instruments would have written a tragic record long ago if
people were inclined to terrorism. But almost all auto mishaps are accidents, and while there are
seemingly a lot of those, the actual fraction of mishaps, when held up against the stupendous
number of possibilities for mishap, is quite small. I know it's difficult to accept this because the
spectre of global terrorism is a favorite cover story of governments, but the truth is substantially
different from the tale the public is sold. According to the U.S. State Department, 1995 was a
near -record year for terrorist murders; it saw three hundred worldwide (two hundred at the hand
of the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka) compared to four hundred thousand smoking-related deaths in
the United States alone. When we consider our assumptions about human nature that keep
children in a condition of confinement and limited options, we need to reflect on driving and
things like almost nonexistent global terrorism.
Notice how quickly people learn to drive well. Early failure is efficiently corrected, usually
self-corrected, because the terrific motivation of staying alive and in one piece steers driving
improvement. If the grand theories of Comenius and Herbart about learning by incremental
revelation, or those lifelong nanny rules of Owen, Maclure, Pestalozzi, and Beatrice Webb, or
those calls for precision in human ranking of Thorndike and Hall, or those nuanced interventions
of Yale, Stanford, and Columbia Teachers College were actually as essential as their proponents
claimed, this libertarian miracle of motoring would be unfathomable.
Now consider the intellectual component of driving. It isn't all just hand-eye-foot coordination.
First -time drivers make dozens, no, hundreds, of continuous hypotheses, plans, computations, and
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fine-tuned judgments every day they drive. They do this skillfully, without being graded, because
if they don't, organic provision exists in the motoring universe to punish them. There isn't any
court of appeal from your own stupidity on the road. 4
I could go on: think of licensing, maintenance, storage, adapting machine and driver to seasons
and daily conditions. Carefully analyzed, driving is as impressive a miracle as walking, talking, or
reading, but this only shows the inherent weakness of analysis since we know almost everyone
learns to drive well in a few hours. The way we used to be as Americans, learning everything,
breaking down social class barriers, is the way we might be again without forced schooling.
Driving proves that to me.
3 Actually more than that if carefully mixed with air in proper proportions and suitably contained.
4 Any connection between this conjecture of mine and the Social Darwinism of Carnegie and Rockefeller is
illusory. Those who fail to survive in the motoring sweepstakes are likely to be prosperous, beautiful, and
noteworthy beyond the average, not the reverse.
Two Approaches To Discipline
Rules of the Stokes County School November 10, 1848
Wm. A. Chaffin, Master
OFFENSE LASHES
1 . Boys & Girls Playing Together
2. Quarreling
3. Fighting
4. Fighting at School
5. Quarreling at School
6. Gambling or Betting at School
7. Playing at Cards at School
8. Climbing for every foot over three feet up a tree
9. Telling Lies
10. Telling Tales Out of School
1 1 . Nick Naming Each Other
12. Giving Each Other ILL Names
13. Fighting Each Other in Time of Books
14. Swearing at School
1 5 . Blackguarding Each Other
16. For Misbehaving to Girls
17. For Leaving School Without Leave of the Teacher
18. Going Home With Each Other without Leave of Teacher .
4
4
5
5
3
4
10
1
7
8
4
3
2
8
6
10
4
4
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19. For Drinking Spiritous Liquors at School 8
20. Making Swings & Swinging on Them 7
21 . For Misbehaving when a Stranger is in the House 6
22. For Wearing Long Finger Nails 2
23. For not Making a Bow when a Stranger Comes in 3
24. Misbehaving to Persons on the Road 4
25. For not Making a Bow when you Meet a Person 4
26. For Going to Girl's Play Places 3
27. For Going to Boy's Play Places 4
28. Coming to School with Dirty Face and Hands 2
29. For Calling Each Other Liars 4
30. For Playing Bandy 10
3 1 . For Bloting Your Copy Book 2
32. For Not Making a bow when you go home 4
33. For Not Making a bow when you come away 4
34. Wrestling at School 4
35. Scuffling at School 4
36. For Weting each Other Washing at Play Time 2
37. For Hollowing and Hooping Going Home 3
38. For Delaying Time Going Home or Coming to School .... 3
39. For Not Making a Bow when you come in or go out 2
40. For Throwing anything harder than your trab ball 4
41 . For every word you miss in your lesson without excuse ... 1
42. For Not saying yes Sir or no Sir or yes Marm, no Marm ... 2
43. For Troubling Each Others Writing Affairs 2
44. For Not Washing at Play Time when going to Books 4
45. For Going and Playing about the Mill or Creek 6
46. For Going about the barn or doing any mischief about .... 7
Whatever you might think of this in light of Dr. Spock or Piaget or the Yale Child Study folks, it
must be apparent that civility was honored, and in all likelihood, no one ever played Bandy a
second time! I've yet to meet a parent in public school who ever stopped to calculate the heavy,
sometimes lifelong price their children pay for the privilege of being rude and ill-mannered at
school. I haven't met a public school parent yet who was properly suspicious of the state's
endless forgiveness of bad behavior for which the future will be merciless.
At about the same time Master Chaffin was beating the same kind of sense into young tarheels
that convict Hobby had beaten into little Washington, Robert Owen, a Scottish industrialist
usually given credit for launching Utopian socialism, was constructing his two-volume Life. This
autobiography contains "Ten Rules of Schooling," the first two of which show a liberalization
occurring in nineteenth-century educational thought:
1st Rule — No scolding or punishment of the Children.
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2nd Rule — Unceasing kindness in tone, look, word, and action, to all children
without exception, by every teacher employed so as to create a real affection
and full confidence between the teachers and the taught.
The Owenite colony had what we now call a theory of holistic schooling as its foundation, Owen
was a genuine messiah figure and his colony operated in a part of Indiana which was removed
from prying eyes. New Harmony, as it was called, was the center of the transatlantic upper-class
world's fascinated attention in its short existence. Yet it fell apart in three years, slightly less time
than it took for John Dewey's own Lab School to be wrecked by Owenite principles unmistakably
enough to suggest to Dewey it would be the better if he got out of Chicago. And so he did,
transferring to Teachers College in Manhattan, where, in time, his Lincoln School carried on the
psychological traditions of New Harmony before it, too, ultimately failed.
The Schools Of Hellas
Wherever it occurred, schooling through the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (up until the last
third of the nineteenth) heavily invested its hours with language, philosophy, art, and the life of
the classical civilizations of Greece and Rome. In the grammar schools of the day, little pure
grammar as we understand it existed; they were places of classical learning. Early America rested
easily on a foundation of classical understanding, one subversive to the normal standards of
British class society. The lessons of antiquity were so vital to the construction of every American
institution it's hardly possible to grasp how deep the gulf between then and now is without
knowing a little about those lessons. Prepare yourself for a surprise.
For a long time, for instance, classical Athens distributed its most responsible public positions by
lottery: army generalships, water supply, everything. The implications are awesome — trust in
everyone's competence was assumed; it was their version of universal driving. Professionals
existed but did not make key decisions; they were only technicians, never well regarded because
prevailing opinion held that technicians had enslaved their own minds. Anyone worthy of
citizenship was expected to be able to think clearly and to welcome great responsibility. As you
reflect on this, remember our own unvoiced assumption that anyone can guide a ton of metal
traveling at high speed with three sticks of dynamite sloshing around in its tanks.
When we ask what kind of schooling was behind this brilliant society which has enchanted the
centuries ever since, any honest reply can be carried in one word: None. After writing a book
searching for the hidden genius of Greece in its schools, Kenneth Freeman concluded his unique
study The Schools of Hellas in 1907 with this summary, "There were no schools in Hellas." No
place boys and girls spent their youth attending continuous instruction under command of
strangers. Indeed, nobody did homework in the modern sense; none could be located on
standardized tests. The tests that mattered came in living, striving to meet ideals that local
tradition imposed. The word skole itself means leisure, leisure in a formal garden to think and
reflect. Plato in The Laws is the first to refer to school as learned discussion.
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The most famous school in Athens was Plato's Academy, but in its physical manifestation it had
no classes or bells, was a well-mannered hangout for thinkers and seekers, a generator of good
conversation and good friendship, things Plato thought lay at the core of education. Today we
might call such a phenomenon a salon. Aristotle's Lyceum was pretty much the same, although
Aristotle delivered two lectures a day — a tough one in the morning for intense thinkers, a kinder,
gentler version of the same in the afternoon for less ambitious minds. Attendance was optional.
And the famous Gymnasium so memorable as a forge for German leadership later on was in
reality only an open training ground where men sixteen to fifty were free to participate in
high-quality, state- subsidized instruction in boxing, wrestling, and javelin.
The idea of schooling free men in anything would have revolted Athenians. Forced training was
for slaves. Among free men, learning was self-discipline, not the gift of experts. From such
notions Americans derived their own academies, the French their lycees, and the Germans their
gymnasium. Think of it: In Athens, instruction was unorganized even though the city-state was
surrounded by enemies and its own society engaged in the difficult social experiment of sustaining
a participatory democracy, extending privileges without precedent to citizens, and maintaining
literary, artistic, and legislative standards which remain to this day benchmarks of human genius.
For its five-hundred- year history from Homer to Aristotle, Athenian civilization was a miracle in a
rude world; teachers flourished there but none was grounded in fixed buildings with regular
curricula under the thumb of an intricately layered bureaucracy.
There were no schools in Hellas. For the Greeks, study was its own reward. Beyond that few
cared to go.
The Fresco At Herculaneum
Sparta, Athens' neighbor, was a horse of a different color. Society in Sparta was organized
around the concept of cradle-to -grave formal training. The whole state was a universal
schoolhouse, official prescriptions for the population filled every waking minute and the family
was employed as a convenience for the state. Sparta's public political arrangements were an
elaborate sham, organized nominally around an executive branch with two legislative bodies, but
ultimate decision-making was in the hands of ephors, a small elite who conducted state policy
among themselves. The practical aspect of imitation democracy figures strongly in the thought of
later social thinkers such as Machiavelli (1532) and Hobbes (1651), as well as in minds nearer our
own time who had influence on the shape of American forced schooling.
Spartan ideas of management came to American consciousness through classical studies in early
schooling, through churches, and also through interest in the German military state of Prussia,
which consciously modeled itself after Sparta. As the nineteenth century entered its final decades
American university training came to follow the Prussian/Spartan model. Service to business and
the political state became the most important reason for college and university existence after
1910. No longer was college primarily about developing mind and character in the young. Instead,
it was about molding those things as instruments for use by others. Here is an important clue to
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the philosophical split which informed the foundation of modern schooling and to an important
extent still does: small farmers, crafts folk, trades people, little town and city professionals, little
industrialists, and older manorial interests took a part of their dream of America from democratic
Athens or from republican Rome (not the Rome of the emperors); this comprised a significant
proportion of ordinary America. But new urban managerial elites pointed to a future based on
Spartan outlook.
When the instructional system of Athens transferred to Imperial Rome, a few schools we would
recognize began to appear. The familiar punishment practices of colonial America can be found
anticipated vividly in the famous fresco at Herculaneum, showing a Roman schoolboy being held
by two of his classmates while the master advances, carrying a long whip. Roman schools must
have started discipline early in the morning for we find the poet Martial cursing a school for
waking him up at cock's crow with shouts and beatings; Horace immortalizes pedagogue Orbilius
for whipping a love of old poets into him. But we shouldn't be misled by these school references.
What few schools there were in Rome were for boys of prosperous classes, and even most of
these relied upon tutors, tradition, and emulation, not school.
The word pedagogue is Latin for a specialized class of slave assigned to walk a student to the
schoolmaster; over time the slave was given additional duties, his role was enlarged to that of drill
master, a procedure memorialized in Varro's instituit pedagogus, docet magister: in my rusty
altar-boy Latin, The master creates instruction, the slave pounds it in. A key to modern schooling
is this: free men were never pedagogues. And yet we often refer to the science of modern
schooling as pedagogy. The unenlightened parent who innocently brings matters of concern to the
pedagogue, whether that poor soul is called schoolteacher, principal, or superintendent, is usually
beginning a game of frustration which will end in no fundamental change. A case of barking up
the wrong tree in a dark wood where the right tree is far away and obscure.
Pedagogy is social technology for winning attention and cooperation (or obedience) while strings
are attached to the mind and placed in the hands of an unseen master. This may be done
holistically, with smiles, music, and light-duty simulations of intellection, or it can be done harshly
with rigorous drills and competitive tests. The quality of self-doubt aimed for in either case is
similar.
Pedagogy is a useful concept to help us unthread some of the mysteries of modern schooling.
That it is increasingly vital to the social order is evinced by the quiet teacher-pay revolution that
has occurred since the 1960s. As with police work (to which pedagogy bears important
similarities), school pay has become relatively good, its hours of labor short, its job security first
rate. Contrast this with the golden years of one-room schooling where pay was subsistence only
and teachers were compelled to board around to keep body and soul together. Yet there was no
shortage then of applicants and many sons of prominent Americans began their adult lives as
schoolteachers.
With the relative opulence of today, it would be simple to fill teaching slots with accomplished
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men and women if that were a goal. A little adjustment in what are rationally indefensible licensing
requirements would make talented people, many performance -tested adults in their fifties and
sixties, available to teach. That there is not such fluid access is a good sign the purpose of
schooling is more than it appears. The year-in, year-out consistency of mediocre teacher
candidates demonstrates clearly that the school institution actively seeks, nurtures, hires, and
promotes the caliber of personnel it needs.
The Seven Liberal Arts
When Rome dissolved in the sixth century, Roman genius emerged as the Universal Christian
Church, an inspired religious sect grown spontaneously into a vehicle which invested ultimate
responsibility for personal salvation in the sovereign individual. The Roman Church hit upon
schooling as a useful adjunct, and so what few schools could be found after the fall of Rome were
in ecclesiastical hands, remaining there for the next eleven or twelve centuries. Promotion inside
the Church began to depend on having first received training of the Hellenic type. Thus a
brotherhood of thoughtful men was created from the demise of the Empire and from the necessity
of intellectually defining the new mission.
As the Church experimented with schooling, students met originally at the teacher's house, but
gradually some church space was dedicated for the purpose. Thanks to competition among
Church officials, each Bishop strove to offer a school and these, in time to be called Cathedral
schools, attracted attention and some important sponsorship, each being a showcase of the
Bishop's own educational taste.
When the Germanic tribes evacuated northern Europe, overrunning the south, cathedral schools
and monastic schools trained the invading leadership — a precedent of disregarding local interests
which has continued ever after. Cathedral schools were the important educational institutions of
the Middle Ages; from them derived all the schools of western Europe, at least in principle.
In practice, however, few forms of later schooling would be the intense intellectual centers these
were. The Seven Liberal Arts made up the main curriculum; lower studies were composed of
grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic. Grammar was an introduction to literature, rhetoric an
introduction to law and history, dialectic the path to philosophical and metaphysical disputation.
Higher studies included arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy. Arithmetic was well beyond
simple calculation, entering into descriptive and analytical capacities of numbers and their
prophetic use (which became modern statistics); geometry embraced geography and surveying;
music covered a broad course in theory; astronomy prepared entry into physics and advanced
mathematics.
Between the eleventh and the fourteenth centuries, an attempt to reduce the influence of
emotionality in religion took command of church policy. Presenting the teachings of the Church in
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scientific form became the main ecclesiastical purpose of school, a tendency called scholasticism.
This shift from emotion to intellect resulted in great skill in analysis, in comparison and contrasts,
in classifications and abstraction, as well as famous verbal hairsplitting — like how many angels
could dance on the head of a pin. Scholasticism became the basis for future upper-class schooling.
The Platonic Ideal
The official use of common schooling was invented by Plato; after him the idea languished, its
single torchbearer the Church. Educational offerings from the Church were intended for, though
not completely limited to, those young whose parentage qualified them as a potential Guardian
class. You would hardly know this from reading any standard histories of Western schooling
intended for the clientele of teacher colleges.
Intense development of the Platonic ideal of comprehensive social control through schooling
suddenly reappeared two thousand years later in eighteenth-century France at the hands of a
philosophical cultus known to history as philosophes, enthusiastic promoters of the bizarre idea of
mass forced schooling. Most prominent among them, a self-willed man named Jean Jacques
Rousseau. To add piquancy to Rousseau's thought, you need to know that when they were bom,
he chose to give away his own five offspring to strangers. If any man captures the essence of
enlightenment transformation, it is Rousseau.
The Enlightenment "project" was conceived as a series of stages, each further leveling mankind,
collectivizing ordinary humanity into a colonial organism like a volvox. The penetration of this
idea, at least on the periphery of our own Founders' consciousness, is captured in the powerful
mystery image of the pyramid on the obverse of our Great Seal. 5 Of course, this was only one of
many colors to emerge with the new nation, and it was not the most important, an inference that
can be drawn from the fact that the pyramid was kept from public notice until 1935 . Then it
appeared suddenly on the back of our one dollar bill, signaling a profound shift in political
management.
5 The eye-topped pyramid. This notion is taken specifically from religious and philosophical prescriptions of
Hidnuism, Buddism, and Confucianism which occupied a prominent position in English thought during the last half
of the eighteenth century, perhaps because major fortunes were being built through contact with the East. The
mentality of oriental rulers fascinated the thrones of Europe. For instance, a Chinese court minister had propounded
a strategy known as "The Policy of Keeping People Dumb." Such thinking inspired similar notions in the West.
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Oriental Pedagogy
The ideal of a leveling Oriental pedagogy expressed through government schooling was promoted
by Jacobin orators of the French National Convention in the early 1790s, the commencement
years of our own republic. The notion of forced schooling was irresistible to French radicals, an
enthusiasm whose foundation had been laid in preceding centuries by Utopian writers like
Harrington (Oceania), More (Utopia), Bacon (New Atlantis), Campanella (City of the Sun), and
in other speculative fantasy embracing the fate of children. Cultivating a collective social organism
was considered the ingredient missing from feudal society, an ingredient which would allow the
West the harmony and stability of the East.
Utopian schooling is never about learning in the traditional sense; it's about the transformation of
human nature. The core of the difference between Occident and Orient lies in the power
relationship between privileged and ordinary, and in respective outlooks on human nature. In the
West, a metaphorical table is spread by society; the student decides how much to eat; in the East,
the teacher makes that decision. The Chinese character for school shows a passive child with adult
hands pouring knowledge into his empty head.
To mandate outcomes centrally would be a major step in the destruction of Western identity.
Management by objectives, whatever those objectives might be, is a technique of corporate
subordination, not of education. Like Alfred's, Charlemagne's awareness of Asia was sharpened
in mortal combat. He was the first secular Western potentate to beat the drum for secular
schooling. It was easy to ignore Plato's gloomy forecast that however attractive Utopia appears in
imagination, human nature will not live easily with the degree of synthetic constraint it requires.
Counter- Attack On Democracy
By standards of the time, America was Utopia already. No grinding poverty, no dangerous
national enemies, no indigenous tradition beyond a general spirit of exuberant optimism, a belief
the land had been touched by destiny, a conviction Americans could accomplish anything. John
Jay wrote to Jefferson in 1787, "The enterprise of our country is inconceivable" — inconceivable,
that is, to the British, Germans, and French, who were accustomed to keeping the common
population on a leash. Our colonial government was the creation of the Crown, of course, but
soon a fantastic idea began to circulate, a belief that people might create or destroy governments
at their will.
The empty slate of the new republic made it vulnerable to advanced Utopian thinking. While in
England and Germany, temptation was great to develop and use Oriental social machinery to bend
mass population into an instrument of elite will, in America there was no hereditary order or
traditional direction. We were a nation awash in literate, self-reliant men and women, the vast
majority with an independent livelihood or ambitions toward getting one. Americans were
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inventors and technicians without precedent, entrepreneurs unlocked from traditional controls,
dreamers, confidence men, flim-flam artists. There never was a social stew quite like it.
The practical difficulties these circumstances posed to Utopian governing would have been
insuperable except for one seemingly strange source of enthusiasm for such an endeavor in the
business community. That puzzle can be solved by considering how the promise of democracy
was a frightening terra incognita to men of substance. To look to men like Sam Adams or Tom
Paine as directors of the future was like looking down the barrel of a loaded gun, at least to
people of means. So the men who had begun the Revolution were eased out by the men who
ended it.
As early as 1784, a concerted effort was made by the Boston business community to overthrow
town meetings, replacing them with a professionally managed corporation. Joseph Barrell, a
wealthy merchant, claimed that citizen safety could be enhanced this way — and besides, "a great
number of very respectable gentlemen" wished it. Timothy Dwight, longtime president of Yale
after 1795, and a pioneer in modern education (advocating science as the center of curriculum),
fought a mighty battle against advancing democracy. Democracy was hardly the sort of
experiment men of affairs would willingly submit their lives and fortunes to for very long.
This tension explains much about how our romance with forced schooling came about; it was a
way to stop democracy aborning as Germany had done. Much ingenuity was expended on this
problem in the early republic, particularly by so-called liberal Christian sects like Unitarians and
Universalists. If you read relics of their debates preserved from select lyceums, private meetings at
which minutes were kept, journals, recollections of drawing room conversations and club
discussions, you see that what was shaping up was an attempt to square the circle, to give the
appearance that the new society was true to its founding promise, while at the same time a sound
basis could be established for the meritorious to run things. Once again, the spirit of Sparta was
alive with its ephors and its reliance on forced instruction. In discussions, speeches, sermons,
editorials, experimental legislation, letters, diaries, and elsewhere, the ancient idea of mass forced
schooling was called forth and mused upon.
How Hindu Schooling Came To America (I)
By the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth century, a form of school technology was up and
running in America's larger cities, one in which children of lower-class customers were
psychologically conditioned to obedience under pretext that they were learning reading and
counting (which may also have happened). These were the Lancaster schools, sponsored by
Governor DeWitt Clinton of New York and prominent Quakers like Thomas Eddy, builder of the
Erie Canal. They soon spread to every corner of the nation where the problem of an incipient
proletariat existed. Lancaster schools are cousins of today's school factories. What few knew then
or realize now is that they were also a Hindu invention, designed with the express purpose of
retarding intellectual development.
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How Hindu schooling came to America, England, Germany, and France at just about the same
time is a story which has never been told. A full treatment is beyond the scope of this book, but
I'll tell you enough to set you wondering how an Asiatic device specifically intended to preserve a
caste system came to reproduce itself in the early republic, protected by influentials of the
magnitude of Clinton and Eddy. Even a brief dusting off of schooling's Hindu provenance should
warn you that what you know about American schooling isn't much. First, a quick gloss on the
historical position of India at the time of the American Revolution — for Lancaster schools were in
New York two decades after its end.
India fell victim to Western dominance through nautical technology in the following fashion:
When medieval Europe broke up after its long struggle to reconcile emergent science with
religion, five great ocean powers appeared to compete for the wealth of the planet: Portugal,
Spain, France, the Netherlands, and England. Portugal was the first to sail for treasure, leaving
colonies in India, China, and South America, but its day in the sun was short. Spain emerged as
the next global superpower, but after 1600, her character decayed rapidly from the corrupting
effects of the gold of the Americas, which triggered a long national decline. The Netherlands, turn
followed because that nation had the advantage of a single-minded commercial class in control of
things with one aim in mind: wealth. The Dutch monopolized the carrying trade of Europe with
globe-trotting merchant ships and courageous military seamanship, yet as with Portugal before it,
the Dutch population was too small, its internal resources too anemic for its dominance to extend
very long.
Beginning in the seventeenth century, England and France gradually built business in the East,
both balked for a time by the Dutch who controlled the spice trade of the Indies. Three naval wars
with the Dutch made the Royal Navy master of the seas, in the process developing tactics of sea
warfare that made it dominant for the next two centuries. By 1700, only France and England
remained as global sea powers with impressive fighting capability, and during the last half of that
century these giants slugged it out directly in Canada, India, and in the territory which is today the
United States, with the result that France went permanently into eclipse.
In India, the two contended through their commercial pseudopodia, the British and French East
India Companies: each maintained a private army to war on the other for tea, indigo, turmeric,
ginger, quinine, oilseeds, silk, and that product which most captivated British merchants with its
portability and breakaway profit potential — opium. At Plassey, Chandernagor, Madras, and
Wandiwash, this long corporate rivalry ended. The French abandoned India to the British. The
drug monopoly was finally England's.
Out of this experience and the observations of a wealthy young Anglican chaplain in India, the
formula for modern schooling was discovered. Perhaps it was no more than coincidence this
fellow held his first gainful employment as a schoolteacher in the United States; on the other hand,
perhaps his experience in a nation which successfully threw off British shackles sensitized him to
the danger an educated population poses to plutocracies.
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How Hindu Schooling Came To America (II)
Andrew Bell, the gentleman in question, used to be described in old editions of the Britannica as
"cold, shrewd, self-seeking." He might not have been the most pious cleric. Perhaps like his
contemporary, Parson Malthus, he didn't really believe in God at all, but as a young man
following the flag he had an eye out for the main chance. Bell found his opportunity when he
studied the structure Hindus arranged for training the lower castes, about 95 percent of the Indian
population. It might well serve a Britain which had driven its peasantry into ruin in order to create
an industrial proletariat for coal-driven industry.
Bell was fascinated by the purposeful nature of Hindu schooling. It seemed eminently compatible
with the goals of the English state church. So as many another ambitious young man has done
throughout history when he stumbles upon a little -known novelty, he swiped it. Before we turn to
details of the Hindu method, and how Bell himself was upstaged by an ambitious young Quaker
who beat him into the school market with a working version of Bell's idea, you should understand
a little about Hindu religion.
After the British military conquest of India (in reality a merchant conquest) nothing excited the
popular mind and the well-bred mind alike more than Hindu religion with its weird (to Western
eyes) idols and rituals. Close analysis of Sanskrit literature seemed to prove that some kind of
biological and social link had existed between the all-conquering Aryans, from whom the Hindus
had descended, and Anglo-Saxons, which might explain theological similarities between Hinduism
and Anglicanism. The possibilities suggested by this connection eventually provided a powerful
psychic stimulus for creation of class-based schooling in the United States. Of course such a
development then lay far in the future.
The caste system of Hinduism or Brahminism is the Anglican class system pushed to its
imaginative limits. A five-category ranking (each category further subdivided) apportions people
into a system similar to that found in modern schools. Prestige and authority are reserved for the
three highest castes, although they only comprise 5 percent of the total; inescapable servility is
assigned the lowest caste, a pariah group outside serious consideration. In the Hindu system one
may fall into a lower caste, but one cannot rise.
When the British began to administer India, Hindus represented 70 percent of a population well
over a hundred million. Contrast this with an America of perhaps three million. In the northern
region, British hero Robert Clive was president of Bengal where people were conspicuously
lighter- skinned than the other major Indian group, having features not unlike those of the British.
Hindu castes looked like this:
The upper 5 percent was divided into three "twice-born" groups.
1 . Brahmins — Priests and those trained for law, medicine, teaching, and other professional
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occupations.
2. The warrior and administrative caste.
3. The industrial caste, which would include land cultivators and mercantile groups.
The lower 95 percent was divided into:
1 . The menial caste.
2. Pariahs, called "untouchables."
The entire purpose of Hindu schooling was to preserve the caste system. Only the lucky 5 percent
received an education which gave perspective on the whole, a key to understanding. In actual
practice, warriors, administrators, and most of the other leaders were given much diluted insight
into the driving engines of the culture, so that policy could be kept in the hands of Brahmins. But
what of the others, the "masses" as Western socialist tradition would come to call them in an
echoing tribute to the Hindu class idea? The answer to that vital question launched factory
schooling in the West.
Which brings us back to Andrew Bell. Bell noticed that in some places Hinduism had created a
mass schooling institution for children of the ordinary, one inculcating a curriculum of
self-abnegation and willing servility. In these places hundreds of children were gathered in a single
gigantic room, divided into phalanxes of ten under the direction of student leaders with the whole
ensemble directed by a Brahmin. In the Roman manner, paid pedagogues drilled underlings in the
memorization and imitation of desired attitudes and these underlings drilled the rest. Here was a
social technology made in heaven for the factories and mines of Britain, still uncomfortably
saturated in older yeoman legends of liberty and dignity, one not yet possessing the perfect
proletarian attitudes mass production must have for maximum efficiency. Nobody in the early
years of British rule had made a connection between this Hindu practice and the pressing
requirements of an industrial future. Nobody, that is, until a thirty-four-year-old Scotsman arrived
in India as military chaplain.
How Hindu Schooling Came To America (III)
Young Bell was a go-getter. Two years after he got to India he was superintendent of the male
orphan asylum of Madras. In order to save money Bell decided to try the Hindu system he had
seen and found it led students quickly to docile cooperation, like parts of a machine. Furthermore,
they seemed relieved not to have to think, grateful to have their time reduced to rituals and
routines as Frederick Taylor was to reform the American workplace a hundred years later.
In 1797, Bell, now forty-two, published an account of what he had seen and done. Pulling no
punches, he praised Hindu drill as an effective impediment to learning writing and ciphering, an
efficient control on reading development. A twenty-year-old Quaker, Joseph Lancaster, read
Bell's pamphlet, thought deeply on the method, and concluded, ironically, it would be a cheap
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way to awaken intellect in the lower classes, ignoring the Anglican's observation (and Hindu
experience) that it did just the opposite.
Lancaster began to gather poor children under his father's roof in Borough Road, London, to give
them rudimentary instruction without a fee. Word spread and children emerged from every alley,
dive, and garret, craving to learn. Soon a thousand children were gathering in the street. The
Duke of Bedford heard about Lancaster and provided him with a single enormous schoolroom
and a few materials. The monitorial system, as it was called, promised to promote a mental
counterpart to the productivity of factories.
Transforming dirty ghetto children into an orderly army attracted many observers. The fact that
Lancaster's school ran at tiny cost with only one employee raised interest, too. Invitations arrived
to lecture in surrounding towns, where the Quaker expounded on what had now become his
system. Lancaster schools multiplied under the direction of young men he personally trained. So
talked about did the phenomenon become, it eventually attracted the attention of King George III
himself, who commanded an interview with Joseph. Royal patronage followed on the stipulation
that every poor child be taught to read the Bible.
But with fame and public responsibility, another side of Lancaster showed itself — he became vain,
reckless, improvident. Interested noblemen bailed him out after he fell deeply in debt, and helped
him found the British and Foreign School Society, but Lancaster hated being watched over and
soon proved impossible to control. He left the organization his patrons erected, starting a private
school which went bankrupt. By 1818 the Anglican Church, warming to Bell's insight that
schooled ignorance was more useful than unschooled stupidity, set up a rival chain of factory
schools that proved to be handwriting on the wall for Lancaster. In the face of this competition he
fled to America where his fame and his method had already preceded him.
Meanwhile, in England, the whole body of dissenting sects gave Lancaster vociferous public
support, thoroughly alarming the state church hierarchy. Prominent church laymen and clergy
were not unaware that Lancaster's schools weren't playing by Hindu rules — the prospect of a
literate underclass with unseemly ambitions was a window on a future impossible to tolerate. Bell
had been recalled from his rectory in Dorset in 1807 to contest Lancaster's use of Hindu
schooling. In 1811, he was named superintendent of an organization to oppose Lancaster's British
and Foreign School Society, "The National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in
the Principles of the Established Church." Since those principles held that the poor were poor
because the Lord wanted it that way, the content of the society's schooling leaves little about
which we need to speculate. Bell was sent to plant his system in Presbyterian Scotland, while the
patronage advantage of Bell-system schools contained and diminished the reach of Lancaster. For
his services to the state, Bell was eventually buried in Westminster Abbey.
At first, Lancaster was welcomed warmly in the United States, but his affection for children and
his ability to awaken pride and ambition in his charges made him ultimately unacceptable to
important patrons who were much more interested in spreading Bell's dumbed-down method,
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without its Church of England baggage attached. Fortunately for their schemes, Lancaster grew
even more shiftless, unmethodical, and incapable of sustained effort (or principled action). In the
twenty remaining years of his life, Lancaster ranged from Montreal to Caracas, disowned by
Quakers for reasons I've been unable to discover. He once declared it would be possible to teach
illiterates to read fluently in twenty to ninety days, which is certainly true. At the age of sixty he
was run over by a carriage in New York and died a few hours later.
But while he died an outcast, his system outlived him, or at least a system bearing his name did,
albeit more Bell's than Lancaster's. It accustomed an influential public to expect streets to be
clear of the offspring of the poor and to expenditures of tax money to accomplish this end. The
first Lancaster school was opened in New York City in 1806; by 1829 the idea had spread to the
Mexican state of Texas with stops as far west as Cincinnati, Louisville, and Detroit. The
governors of New York and Pennsylvania recommended general adoption to their legislatures.
What exactly was a "Lancaster" school? Its essential features involved one large room stuffed
with anywhere from three hundred to a thousand children under the direction of a single teacher.
The children were seated in rows. The teacher was not there to teach but to be "a bystander and
inspector"; students, ranked in a paramilitary hierarchy, did the actual teaching:
What the master says should be done. When the pupils as well as the
schoolmaster understand how to act and learn on this system, the system, not
the master's vague discretionary, uncertain judgment, will be in practice. In
common school the authority of the master is personal, and the rod is his
scepter. His absence is an immediate signal for confusion, but in a school
conducted on my plan when the master leaves the school, the business will go
on as well in his absence as in his presence, [emphasis added]
Here, without forcing the matter, is our modern pedagogus technologicus, harbinger of future
computerized instruction. In such a system, teachers and administrators are forbidden to depart
from instructions elsewhere written. But while dumbing children down was the whole of the
government school education in England, it was only part of the story in America, and a minor
one until the twentieth century.
Braddock's Defeat
Unless you're a professional sports addict and know that Joe Montana, greatest quarterback of
the modern era, went to Waverly school in Monongahela, or that Ron Neccai, only man in
modern baseball history to strike out every batter on the opposing team for a whole game did,
too, or that Ken Griffey Jr. went to its high school as well, you can be forgiven if you never heard
of Monongahela. But once upon a time at the beginning of our national history, Monongahela
marked the forward edge of a new nation, a wilder West than ever the more familiar West
became. Teachers on a frontier cannot be bystanders.
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Custer's Last Stand in Montana had no military significance. Braddock's Last Stand near
Monongahela, on the other hand, changed American history forever because it proved that the
invincible British could be taken. And twenty-one years later we did take them, an
accomplishment the French and Spanish, their principal rivals, had been unable to do . Why that
happened, what inspiration allowed crude colonials to succeed where powerful and polished
nations could not, is so tied up with Monongahela that I want to bring the moment back for you.
It will make a useful reference point as we consider the problem of modern schooling. Without
Braddock's defeat we would never have had a successful American revolution; without getting rid
of the British, the competence of ordinary people to educate themselves would never have had a
fair test.
In July of 1755, at the age of twenty-three, possessing no university degrees, the alumnus of no
military academy, with only two years of formal schooling under his belt, half-orphan George
Washington was detailed an officer in the Virginia militia to accompany an English military
expedition moving to take the French fort at the forks of the Monongahela and Allegheny, the
point that became Pittsburgh. His general, Edward Braddock, was an aristocrat commanding a
well-equipped and disciplined force considerably superior to any possible resistance. Braddock
felt so confident of success, he dismissed the advice of Washington to put aside traditional ways
of European combat in the New World.
On July 9, 1755, two decades and one year before our Revolution commenced under the direction
of the same Washington, Braddock executed a brilliant textbook crossing of the Monongahela
near the present Homestead High Bridge by Kennywood amusement park. With fife and drum
firing the martial spirit, he led the largest force in British colonial America, all in red coats and
polished metal, across the green river into the trees on the farther bank. Engineers went ahead to
cut a road for men and cannon.
Suddenly the advance guard was enveloped in smoke. It fell back in panic. The main body moved
up to relieve, but the groups meeting, going in opposite directions, caused pandemonium. On both
sides of the milling redcoats, woods crackled with hostile gunfire. No enemy could be seen, but
soldiers were caught between waves of bullets fanning both flanks. Men dropped in bunches.
Bleeding bodies formed hills of screaming flesh, accelerating the panic.
Enter George, the Washington almost unknown to American schoolchildren. Making his way to
Braddock, he asked permission to engage the enemy wilderness fashion; permission denied.
Military theory held that allowing commands to emanate from inferiors was a precedent more
dangerous than bullets. The British were too well trained to fight out of formation, too superbly
schooled to adapt to the changing demands of the new situation. When my grandfather took me
to the scene of that battle years after on the way to Kennywood, he muttered without explanation,
"Goddamn bums couldn't think for themselves." Now I understand what he meant.
The greatest military defeat the British ever suffered in North America before Saratoga was
underway. Washington's horse was shot from under him, his coat ripped by bullets. Leaping onto
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a second horse, his hat was lifted from his head by gunfire and the second horse went down. A
legend was in the making on the Monongahela that day, passed to Britain, France, and the
colonies by survivors of the battle. Mortally wounded, Braddock released his command.
Washington led the retreat on his hands and knees, crawling through the twilight dragging the
dying Braddock, symbolic of the imminent death of British rule in America.
Monongahela began as a town fourteen years later, crossing point for a river ferry connecting to
the National Road (now Route 40) which began, appropriately enough, in the town of
Washington, Pennsylvania. In 1791, leaders of the curious "Whiskey Rebellion" met in
Monongahela about a block from the place I was bom; Scots-Irish farmers sick of the oppression
of federal rule in the new republic spoke of forging a Trans- Allegheny nation of free men.
Monongahela might have been its capital had they succeeded. We know these men were taken
seriously back East because Washington, who as general never raised an army larger than seven
thousand to fight the British, as president assembled thirteen thousand in 1794 to march into
western Pennsylvania to subdue the Whiskey rebels. Having fought with them as comrades, he
knew the danger posed by these wild men of the farther forests was no pipedream. They were
descendants of the original pioneers who broke into the virgin forest, an evergreen and aggressive
strain of populism ran through their group character.
Monongahela appears in history as a place where people expected to make their own luck, a place
where rich and poor talked face to face, not through representatives. In the 1830s it became a way
station on the escape route from Horace Mann-style Whiggery, the notion that men should be
bound minutely by rules and layered officialdom. Whiggery was a neo-Anglican governing idea
grown strong in reaction to Andrew Jackson's dangerous democratic revolution. Whigs brought
us forced schooling before they mutated into both Democrats and Republicans; history seemed to
tell them that with School in hand their mission was accomplished. Thousands of Americans,
sensibly fearing the worst, poured West to get clear of this new British consciousness coming
back to fife in the East, as if the spirit of General Braddock had survived after all. Many of the
new pilgrims passed through Mon City on the road to a place that might allow them to continue
seeing things their own way.
Each group passing through on its western migration left a testament to its own particular
yearnings — there are no less than twenty-three separate religious denominations in Monongahela,
although fewer than five thousand souls five in the town. Most surprising of all, you can find there
world headquarters of an autonomous Mormon sect, one that didn't go to Nauvoo with the rest
of Smith's band but decamped here in a grimier utopia. Monongahela Mormons never accepted
polygamy. They read the Book of Mormon a different way. From 1755 until the Civil War, the
libertarianism of places like Monongahela set the tone for the most brilliant experiment in
self-governance the modern world has ever seen. Not since the end of the Pippin Kings in France
had liberty been so abundantly available for such a long time. A revolution in education was at
hand as knowledge of the benefits of learning to the vigor of the spirit spread far and wide across
America. Formal schooling played a part in this transformation, but its role was far from decisive.
Schooled or not, the United States was the best-educated nation in human history — because it had
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liberty.
Farragut
When I was a schoolboy at the Waverly School in Monongahela, Peg Hill told us that David
Farragut, the U.S. Navy's very first admiral, had been commissioned midshipman at the ripe old
age of ten for service on the warship Essex. Had Farragut been a schoolboy like me, he would
have been in fifth grade when he sailed for the Argentine, rounding the Horn into action against
British warships operating along the Pacific coast of South America.
Farragut left a description of what he encountered in his first sea fight:
I shall never forget the horrid impression made upon me at the sight of the first
man I had ever seen killed. It staggered me at first, but they soon began to fall
so fast that it appeared like a dream and produced no effect on my nerves.
The poise a young boy is capable of was tested when a gun captain on the port side ordered him
to the wardroom for primers. As he started down the ladder, a gun captain on the starboard side
opposite the ladder was "struck full in the face by an eighteen-pound shot," his headless corpse
falling on Farragut:
We tumbled down the hatch together. I lay for some moments stunned by the
blow, but soon recovered consciousness enough to rush up on deck. The
captain, seeing me covered with blood, asked if I were wounded; to which I
replied, "I believe not, sir." "Then," said he, "where are the primers?" This
brought me to my senses and I ran below again and brought up the primers.
The Essex had success; it took prizes. Officers were dispatched with skeleton crews to sail them
back to the United States, and at the age of twelve, Farragut got his first command when he was
picked to head a prize crew. I was in fifth grade when I read about that. Had Farragut gone to my
school he would have been in seventh. You might remember that as a rough index how far our
maturity had been retarded even fifty years ago. Once at sea, the deposed British captain rebelled
at being ordered about by a boy and announced he was going below for his pistols (which as a
token of respect he had been allowed to keep). Farragut sent word down that if the captain
appeared on deck armed he would be summarily shot and dumped overboard. He stayed below.
So ended David Farragut's first great test of sound judgment. At fifteen, this unschooled young
man went hunting pirates in the Mediterranean. Anchored off Naples, he witnessed an eruption of
Vesuvius and studied the mechanics of volcanic action. On a long layover in Tunis, the American
consul, troubled by Farragut's ignorance, tutored him in French, Italian, mathematics, and
literature. Consider our admiral in embryo. I'd be surprised if you thought his education was
deficient in anything a man needs to be reckoned with.
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When I was a schoolboy in Monongahela, I learned how Thomas Edison left school early because
the school thought him feeble-minded. He spent his early years peddling newspapers. Just before
the age of twelve he talked his mother into letting him work on trains as a train-boy, a permission
she gave which would put her in jail right now. A train-boy was apprentice of all work. Shortly
afterwards a printer gave Edison some old type he was about to discard and the boy, successfully
begging a corner for himself in the baggage car to set type, began printing a four-page newspaper
the size of a handkerchief about the lives of the passengers on the train and the things that could
be seen from its window.
Several months later, twelve-year-old Edison had five hundred subscribers, earning a net profit
monthly about 25 percent more than an average schoolteacher of the day made. When the Civil
War broke out, the newspaper became a goldmine. Railroads had telegraph facilities so war news
was available to Edison as quickly as to professional journalists, but he could move it into print
sooner than they could. He sold the war to crowds at the various stops. "The Grand Trunk
Herald" sold as many as a thousand extra copies after a battle at prices per issue from a dime to a
quarter, amassing for Edison a handsome stake. Unfortunately, at the same time he had been
experimenting with phosphorus in the baggage car. One thing led to another and Edison set the
train on fire; otherwise there might never have been a light bulb.
When I was a schoolboy in Monongahela, I learned with a shock that the men who won our
Revolution were barely out of high school by the standards of my time: Hamilton was twenty in
the retreat from New York; Burr, twenty-one; Light Horse Harry Lee, twenty-one; Lafayette,
nineteen. What amounted to a college class rose up and struck down the British empire,
afterwards helping to write the most sophisticated governing documents in modern history.
When I was a schoolboy in Monongahela, I learned the famous Samuel Pepys, whose Diary is a
classic, wasn't just an old gossip but president of the Royal Society, the most prominent
association of scientists in existence in the seventeenth century. He was also Secretary of the
Admiralty. Why that's important to our investigation of modern schooling is this: Pepys could
only add and subtract right up to the time of his appointment to the Admiralty, but then quickly
learned to multiply and divide to spare himself embarrassment. I took a different lesson from that
class than the teacher intended, I think.
At the age of five, when I entered the first grade, I could add, subtract, and multiply because Dad
used to play numbers games with my sister and me in the car. He taught me the mastery of those
skills within a matter of a few hours, not years and years as it took in school. We did all
calculations in our heads with such gusto I seldom use a pencil today even for much more
intricate computation. Pepys verified my father's unstated premise: You can learn what you need,
even the technical stuff, at the moment you need it or shortly before. Sam Pepys wasn't put in
charge of Britain's sea defense because he knew how to multiply or divide but because he had
good judgment, or at least it was thought so.
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Ben Franklin
Ben Franklin was born on Milk Street, Boston, on January 17, 1706. His father had seventeen
children (four died at birth) by two wives. Ben was the youngest. Josiah, the father, was a
candlemaker, not part of the gentry. His tombstone tells us he was "without an estate or any
gainful employment" which apparently means his trade didn't allow wealth to be amassed. But, as
the talkative tombstone continues, "By constant labor and industry with God's blessing they
maintained a large family comfortably, and brought up thirteen children and seven grandchildren
reputably."
Writing to his own son at the age of sixty-five, Ben Franklin referred to his circumstances as
"poverty and obscurity" from which he rose to a state of affluence, and to some degree,
reputation. The means he used "so well succeeded" he thought posterity might like to know what
they were. Some, he believed, "would find his example suitable to their own situations, and
therefore, fit to be imitated."
At twelve he was bound apprentice to brother James, a printer. After a few years of that, and
disliking his brother's authority, he ran away first to New York and soon after to Philadelphia
where he arrived broke at the age of seventeen. Finding work as a printer proved easy, and
through his sociable nature and ready curiosity he made acquaintance with men of means. One of
these induced Franklin to go to London where he found work as a compositor and once again
brought himself to the attention of men of substance. A merchant brought him back to
Philadelphia in his early twenties as what might today be called an administrative assistant or
personal secretary. From this association, Franklin assembled means to set up his own printing
house which published a newspaper, The Pennsylvania Gazette, to which he constantly
contributed essays.
At twenty-six, he began to issue "Poor Richard's Almanac," and for the next quarter century the
Almanac spread his fame through the colonies and in Europe. He involved himself deeper and
deeper in public affairs. He designed an Academy which was developed later into the University
of Pennsylvania; he founded the American Philosophical Society as a crossroads of the sciences;
he made serious researches into the nature of electricity and other scientific inquiries, carried on a
large number of moneymaking activities; and involved himself heavily in politics. At the age of
forty-two he was wealthy. The year was 1748.
In 1748, he sold his business in order to devote himself to study, and in a few years, scientific
discoveries gave him a reputation with the learned of Europe. In politics, he reformed the postal
system and began to represent the colonies in dealings with England, and later France. In 1757, he
was sent to England to protest against the influence of the Perms in the government of
Pennsylvania, and remained there five years, returning two years later to petition the King to take
the government away from the Penns. He lobbied to repeal the Stamp Act. From 1767 to 1775,
he spent much time traveling through France, speaking, writing, and making contacts which
resulted in a reputation so vast it brought loans and military assistance to the American rebels and
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finally crucial French intervention at Yorktown, which broke the back of the British.
As a writer, politician, scientist, and businessman, Franklin had few equals among the educated of
his day — though he left school at ten. He spent nine years as American Commissioner to France.
In terms only of his ease with the French language, of which he had little until he was in his
sixties, this unschooled man's accomplishments are unfathomable by modern pedagogical theory.
In many of his social encounters with French nobility, this candlemaker's son held the fate of the
new nation in his hands, because he (and Jefferson) were being weighed as emblems of America's
ability to overthrow England.
Franklin's Autobiography is a trove of clues from which we can piece together the actual
curriculum which produced an old man capable of birthing a nation:
My elder brothers were all put apprentice to different trades. I was put to the
grammar school at eight years of age, my father intending to devote me, as the
tithe of his sons, to the services of the (Anglican) church. My early readiness in
learning to read (which must have been very early, as I do not remember when
I could not read) and the opinion of all his friends, that I should be a good
scholar, encouraged him in this purpose..! continued, however, at grammar
school not quite one year.
Young Ben was yanked from grammar school and sent to another type less ritzy and more nuts
and bolts in colonial times: the "writing and arithmetic"school. There under the tutelage of Mr.
Brownell, an advocate of "mild, encouraging methods," Franklin failed in arithmetic:
At ten years old I was taken home to assist my father in his business....
Accordingly I was employed in cutting wick for candles, filling the dipping
mold and the molds for cast candles. Attending the shop, going on errands, etc.
I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for the sea, but my father
declared against it.
There are other less flattering accounts why Franklin left both these schools and struck out on his
own at the age of ten — elsewhere he admits to being a leader of mischief, some of it mildly
criminal, and to being "corrected" by his father — but causation is not our concern, only bare facts.
Benjamin Franklin commenced school at third-grade age and exited when he would have been in
the fifth to become a tallow chandler's apprentice.
A major part of Franklin's early education consisted of studying father Josiah, who turns out,
himself, to be a pretty fair example of education without schooling:
He had an excellent constitution... very strong... ingenious... could draw
prettily... skilled in music... a clear pleasing voice... played psalm times on his
violin... a mechanical genius... sound under standing... so lid judgment in
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prudential matters, both private and public affairs. In the latter, indeed, he was
never employed, the numerous family he had to educate and the straitness of
his circumstances keeping him close to his grade; but I remember well his being
frequently visited by leading people, who consulted him for his opinion in
affairs of the town or of the church. ..and showed a great deal of respect for his
judgment and ad vice... frequently chosen an arbitrator between contending
parties.
We don't need to push too hard to see a variety of informal training laboratories incidentally
offered in this father/son relationship which had sufficient time to prove valuable in Franklin's
own development, opportunities that would have been hard to find in any school.
Josiah drew, he sang, he played violin — this was a tallow chandler with sensitivity to those areas
in which human beings are most human; he had an inventive nature ("ingenious") which must have
provided a constant example to Franklin that a solution can be crafted ad hoc to a problem if a
man kept his nerve and had proper self-respect. His good sense, recognized by neighbors who
sought his judgment, was always within earshot of Ben. In this way the boy came to see the
discovery process, various systems of judgment, the role of an active citizen who may become
minister without portfolio simply by accepting responsibility for others and discharging that
responsibility faithfully:
At his table he liked to have as often as he could some sensible friend or
neighbor to converse with, and always took care to start some ingenious or
useful topic for discourse, which might tend to improve the minds of his
children. By this means he turned our attention to what was good, just, and
prudent in the conduct of life; and little or no notice was ever taken of what
related to the victuals on the table... I was brought up in such perfect
inattention to those matters as to be quite indifferent what kind of food was set
before me.
No course of instruction or quantity of homework could deliver Franklin's facility with language,
only something like Josiah' s incidental drills at the dinner table. We can see sharply through
Franklin's memoir that a tallow chandler can indeed teach himself to speak to kings.
And there were other themes in the family Franklin's educational armory besides arts, home
demonstrations, regular responsibility, being held to account, being allowed to overhear adults
solving public and private problems, and constant infusions of good conversation:
He... sometimes took me to walk with him, and see joiners, bricklayers, turners,
braziers, etc., at their work, that he might observe my inclination, and endeavor
to fix it on some trade or other.... It has ever since been a pleasure to me to see
good workmen handle their tools; and it has been useful to me, having learnt so
much by it as to be able to do little jobs myself. As it is for most members of a
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literate society, reading was the largest single element of Franklin's educational
foundation.
As it is for most members of a literate society, reading was the largest single
element of Franklin's educational foundation.
From a child I was fond of reading, and all the little money that came into
my hands was ever laid out in books. Pleased with Pilgrim's Progress my first
collection was of John Bunyan's works in separate little volumes. I afterwards
sold them to enable me to buy R. Burton's Historical Collections; they were
small chapman's books, and cheap, 40 to 50 in all. My father's little library
consisted chiefly of books in polemic divinity, most of which I
read. .. .Plutarch's Lives there was in which I read abundantly, and I still think
that time spent to great advantage. There was also a book of Defoe's, called an
Essay on Projects, and another of Dr. Mather's, called Essays to Do Good,
which perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that had an influence on some of the
principal future events in my life.
You might well ask how young Franklin was reading Bunyan, Burton, Mather, Defoe, Plutarch,
and works of "polemic divinity" before he would have been in junior high school. If you were
schooled in the brain development lore of academic pedagogy it might seem quite a tour de force.
How do you suppose this son of a workingman with thirteen kids became such an effective public
speaker that for more than half a century his voice was heard nationally and internationally on the
great questions? He employed a method absolutely free: He argued with his friend Collins:
Very fond we were of argument, and very desirous of confuting one another,
which disputatious turn is based upon contradiction. [Here Franklin warns
against using dialectics on friendships or at social gatherings] I had caught it
[the dialectical habit] by reading my father's books of dispute about religion....
A question was started between Collins and me, of the propriety of educating
the female sex in learning, and their abilities to study. He was of the opinion
that it was improper.... I took the contrary side.
Shortly after he began arguing, he also began reading the most elegant periodical of the day,
Addison and Steele's Spectator:
I thought the writing excellent and wished, if possible, to imitate it. With that
in view I took some of the papers, and making short hints of the sentiment in
each sentence, laid them by a few days, and then, without looking at the book,
try 'd to complete the papers again, by expressing each hinted sentiment at
length, and as fully as it had been expressed before, in any suitable words that
should come to hand. Then I compared my Spectator with the original,
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discovered some of my faults, and corrected them.
This method was hammered out while working a sixty-hour week. In learning eloquence there's
only Ben, his determination, and the Spectator, no teacher. For instance, while executing rewrites,
Franklin came to realize his vocabulary was too barren:
I found I wanted a stock of words... which I thought I should have acquired
before that time if I had gone on making verses; since the continual occasion
for words of the same import, but of different length, to suit the measure, or of
different sound for the rhyme, would have laid me under a constant necessity
of searching for variety, and also have tended to fix that variety in my mind and
make me master of it.
As a good empiricist he tried a home cure for this deficiency:
I took some tales and turned them into verse; and after a time when I had
pretty well forgotten the prose, turned them back again. I also sometimes
jumbled my collection of hints [his outline] into confusions and after some
weeks endeavored to reduce them into the best order, before I began to form
the full sentences and complete the paper. This was to teach me method in the
arrangement of thoughts. By comparing my work afterwards with the original I
discovered many faults and amended them; but I sometimes thought... I had
been lucky enough to improve the method or the language.
By the time he was sixteen Franklin was ready to take up his deficiencies in earnest with full
confidence he could by his own efforts overcome them Here's how he handled that problem with
arithmetic:
Being on some occasion made asham'd of my ignorance in figures, which I had
twice failed in learning when at school, I took Crocker's book of Arithmetick,
and went through the whole by myself with great ease. I also read Seller's and
Shermy's book of Navigation and became acquainted with the geometry they
contain.
This school dropout tells us he was also reading John Locke's Essay Concerning Human
Understanding, as well as studying the arts of rhetoric and logic, particularly the Socratic method
of disputation, which so charmed and intrigued him that he abruptly dropped his former
argumentative style, putting on the mask of "the humble inquirer and doubter":
I found this method safest for myself and very embarrassing to those against
whom I used it; therefore I took a delight in it, practis'd it continually, and
grew very artful and expert in drawing people, even of superior knowledge,
into concessions, the consequences of which they did not foresee, entangling
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them in difficulties out of which they could not extricate themselves, and so
obtaining victories that neither myself nor my cause always deserved.
Might there be an instructive parallel between teaching a kid to drive as my uncle taught me to do
at age eleven, and the incredible opportunities working-class kids like Franklin were given to
develop as quickly and as far as their hearts and minds allowed? We drive, regardless of our
intelligence or characters, because the economy demands it; in colonial America through the early
republic, a pressing need existed to get the most from everybody. Because of that need, unusual
men and unusual women appeared in great numbers to briefly give the lie to traditional social
order. In that historical instant, thousands of years of orthodox suppositions were shattered. In
the words of Eric Hoffer, "Only here in America were common folk given a chance to show what
they could do on their own without a master to push and order them about." Franklin and Edison,
multiplied many times, were the result.
George Washington
A good yardstick to measure how far modern schooling has migrated from the education of the
past is George Washington's upbringing in the middle eighteenth century. Although Washington
descended from important families, his situation wasn't quite the easeful life that suggests. The
death of his father left him, at eleven, without Ben Franklin's best rudder, and the practice of
primogeniture, which vested virtually the entire inheritance in the first son (in order to stabilize
social class) compelled Washington to either face the future as a ward of his brother, an
unthinkable alternative for George, or take destiny into his own hands as a boy. You probably
already know how that story turned out, but since the course he pursued was nearly schoolless, its
curriculum is worth a closer look. For the next few minutes imagine yourself at "school" with
Washington.
George Washington was no genius; we know that from too many of his contemporaries to
quibble. John Adams called him "too illiterate, too unlearned, too unread for his station and
reputation." Jefferson, his fellow Virginian, declared he liked to spend time "chiefly in action,
reading little." It was an age when everyone in Boston, even shoeblacks, knew how to read and
count; it was a time when a working-class boy in a family of thirteen like Franklin couldn't
remember when he didn't know how to read.
As a teenager, Washington loved two things: dancing and horseback riding. He pursued both with
a passion that paid off handsomely when he became president. Large in physical stature, his
appearance might have stigmatized him as awkward. Instead, by developing the agile strength of a
dancer and an equestrian, he was able to communicate grace through his commanding presence,
elan that counterpoised his large build at any gathering. Thanks to his twin obsessions he met his
responsibilities with the bearing of a champion athlete, which saved his life during the Revolution.
In the midst of the fray, a British sharpshooter drew a bead on this target, but found himself
unable to pull the trigger because Washington bore himself so magnificently! George Mercer, a
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friend, described Washington as a young man in the following way:
He is straight as an Indian, measuring six feet, two inches in his stockings and
weighing 175 pounds.. .. His frame is padded with well developed muscles,
indicating great strength.
British military superiority, including the best available war-making technology, would have made
hash of a brainless commander in spite of his admirable carriage, so we need to analyze the
curriculum which produced "America's Fabius," as he was called. 6
Washington had no schooling until he was eleven, no classroom confinement, no blackboards. He
arrived at school already knowing how to read, write, and calculate about as well as the average
college student today. If that sounds outlandish, turn back to Franklin's curriculum and compare
it with the intellectual diet of a modern gifted and talented class. Full literacy wasn't unusual in the
colonies or early republic; many schools wouldn't admit students who didn't know reading and
counting because few schoolmasters were willing to waste time teaching what was so easy to
learn. It was deemed a mark of depraved character if literacy hadn't been attained by the
matriculating student. Even the many charity schools operated by churches, towns, and
philanthropic associations for the poor would have been flabbergasted at the great hue and cry
raised today about difficulties teaching literacy. American experience proved the contrary.
In New England and the Middle Atlantic Colonies, where reading was especially valued, literacy
was universal. The printed word was also valued in the South, where literacy was common, if not
universal. In fact, it was general literacy among all classes that spurred the explosive growth of
colleges in nineteenth-century America, where even ordinary folks hungered for advanced forms
of learning.
Following George to school at eleven to see what the schoolmaster had in store would reveal a
skimpy menu of studies, yet one with a curious gravity: geometry, trigonometry, and surveying.
You might regard that as impossible or consider it was only a dumbed-down version of those
things, some kid's game akin to the many simulations one finds today in schools for prosperous
children — simulated city-building, simulated court trials, simulated businesses — virtual realities to
bridge the gap between adult society and the immaturity of the young. But if George didn't get
the real thing, how do you account for his first job as official surveyor for Culpepper County,
Virginia, only two thousand days after he first hefted a surveyor's transit in school?
For the next three years, Washington earned the equivalent of about $100,000 a year in today's
purchasing power. It's probable his social connections helped this fatherless boy get the position,
but in frontier society anyone would be crazy to give a boy serious work unless he actually could
do it. Almost at once he began speculating in land; he didn't need a futurist to tell him which way
the historical wind was blowing. By the age of twenty-one, he had leveraged his knowledge and
income into twenty-five hundred acres of prime land in Frederick County, Virginia.
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Washington had no father as a teenager, and we know he was no genius, yet he learned geometry,
trigonometry, and surveying when he would have been a fifth or sixth grader in our era. Ten years
later he had prospered directly by his knowledge. His entire life was a work of art in the sense it
was an artifice under his control. He even eventually freed his slaves without being coerced to do
so. Washington could easily have been the first king in America but he discouraged any thinking
on that score, and despite many critics, he was so universally admired the seat of government was
named after him while he was still alive.
Washington attended school for exactly two years. Besides the subjects mentioned, at twelve and
thirteen (and later) he studied frequently used legal forms like bills of exchange, tobacco receipts,
leases, and patents. From these forms, he was asked to deduce the theory, philosophy, and custom
which produced them. By all accounts, this steeping in grown-up reality didn't bore him at all. I
had the same experience with Harlem kids 250 years later, following a similar procedure in
teaching them how to struggle with complex income tax forms. Young people yearn for this kind
of guided introduction to serious things, I think. When that yearning is denied, schooling destroys
their belief that justice governs human affairs.
By his own choice, Washington put time into learning deportment, how to be regarded a
gentleman by other gentlemen; he copied a book of rules which had been used at Jesuit schools
for over a century and with that, his observations, and what advice he could secure, gathered his
own character. Here's rule 56 to let you see the flavor of the thing: "Associate yourself with men
of good Quality if you Esteem your own reputation." Sharp kid. No wonder he became president.
Washington also studied geography and astronomy on his own, gaining a knowledge of regions,
continents, oceans, and heavens. In light of the casual judgment of his contemporaries that his
intellect was of normal proportions, you might be surprised to hear that by eighteen he had
devoured all the writings of Henry Fielding, Tobias Smollett, and Daniel Defoe and read regularly
the famous and elegant Spectator. He also read Seneca's Morals, Julius Caesar's Commentaries,
and the major writing of other Roman generals like the historian Tacitus.
At sixteen the future president began writing memos to himself about clothing design, not content
to allow something so important to be left in the hands of tradesmen. Years later he became his
own architect for the magnificent estate of Mt. Vernon. While still in his twenties, he began to
experiment with domestic industry where he might avoid the vagaries of international finance in
things like cotton or tobacco. First he tried to grow hemp "for medicinal purposes," which didn't
work out; next he tried flax — that didn't work either. At the age of thirty-one, he hit on wheat. In
seven years he had a little wheat business with his own flour mills and hired agents to market his
own brand of flour; a little later he built fishing boats: four years before the Declaration was
written he was pulling in 9 million herring a year.
No public school in the United States is set up to allow a George Washington to happen.
Washingtons in the bud stage are screened, browbeaten, or bribed to conform to a narrow
outlook on social truth. Boys like Andrew Carnegie who begged his mother not to send him to
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school and was well on his way to immortality and fortune at the age of thirteen, would be
referred today for psychological counseling; Thomas Edison would find himself in Special Ed until
his peculiar genius had been sufficiently tamed.
Anyone who reads can compare what the American present does in isolating children from their
natural sources of education, modeling them on a niggardly last, to what the American past
proved about human capabilities. The effect of the forced schooling institution's strange
accomplishment has been monumental. No wonder history has been outlawed. 6Washington's
critics dubbed him "Fabius" after the Roman general who dogged Hannibal's march but avoided
battle with the Carthaginian. Washington wore down British resolve by eroding the general belief
in their invincibility, something he had learned on the Monongahela when Braddock's force was
routed. Eventually the French became convinced Washington was on the winning side, and with
their support America became a nation. But it was the strategy of Washington that made a
French-American alliance possible at all.
6 Washington's critics dubbed him "Fabius" after the Roman general who dogged Hannibal's march but avoided
battle with the Carthaginian. Washington wore down British resolve by eroding the general belief in their
invincibility, something he had learned on the Monongahela when Braddock's force was routed. Eventually the
French became convinced Washington was on the winning side, and with their support America became a nation.
But it was the strategy of Washington that made a French-American alliance possible at all.
Montaigne's Curriculum
Between the fall of Rome in the late fifth century and the decline of monarchy in the eighteenth,
secular schooling in any form was hardly a ripple on the societies of Europe. There was talk of it
at certain times and places, but it was courtly talk, never very serious. What simple schooling we
find was modestly undertaken by religious orders which usually had no greater ambition than
providing a stream of assistants to the ecclesiastical bureaucracy, and perhaps molding the values
of whatever future leaders proved susceptible; the few exceptions shouldn't be looked upon as the
spark for our own schools. School was only a tiny blip on the radar until the last half of the
eighteenth century.
If you and I are to have a productive partnership in this book you need to clear your mind of false
history, the type that clogs the typical school chronicle written for teacher training institutes
where each fact may be verifiable but the conclusions drawn from them are not. Turn to typical
school history and you will learn about the alleged anticipation of our own schools by Comenius,
of the reformed Latin Grammar School founded by Dean Colet at St. Paul's in London in 15 10, of
the "solitaries of Port Royal," whoever those lonely men may have been; each instance is real, the
direction they lead in is false. What formal school experimentation the West provided touched
only a tiny fraction of the population, and rarely those who became social leaders, let alone
pioneers of the future.
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You can disinter proclamations about schooling from Alfred's kingdom or Charlemagne's, but
you can't find a scrap of hard evidence that the thing was ever seriously essayed. What talk of
schooling occurs is the exclusive property of philosophers, secret societies, and a host of cranks,
quacks, and schemers. What you never find anywhere is any popular clamor for a place to dump
children called School. Yet while schooling is conspicuous by its absence, there's no shortage of
intelligent commentary about education — a commodity not to be conflated with the lesser term
until late in history.
Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, Pope Pius II, in his tract The Education of Children (1451),
prescribes the reading and study of classical authors, geometry, and arithmetic "for training the
mind and assuring rapidity of conceptions." He included history and geography in his
recommended curriculum, adding that "there is nothing in the world more beautiful than
enlightened intelligence." The sixteenth century is filled with theories of education from men like
Erasmus, Rabelais, and Montaigne. French schoolman Gabriel Compayre, in his History of
Pedagogy (1885), holds all three in the highest regard:
Erasmus, Rabelais, and Montaigne... before pretending to surpass them, even at
this day, we should rather attempt to overtake them, and to equal them in their
pedagogical precepts.
Like most educated men and women, Erasmus was his own teacher. He assigned politeness an
important place in education:
The tender mind of the child should. ..love and learn the liberal arts., .be taught
tact in the conduct of the social life. ..from the earliest be accustomed to good
behavior based on moral principles.
Montaigne, who actually attended school at Guienne from the age of six until he was thirteen,
bequeathed an image of late sixteenth-century schooling amazingly modern in its particulars:
Tis the true house of correction of imprisoned youth... do but come when they
are about their lesson and you shall hear nothing but the outcries of boys under
execution, with the thundering noise of their Pedagogues, drunk with fury, to
make up the consort. A pretty way this to tempt these tender and timorous
souls to love their book, with a furious countenance and a rod in hand.
What Montaigne requires of a student seeking education is the development of sound judgment:
"If the judgment be not better settled, I would rather have him spend his time at tennis."
Montaigne was preoccupied with the training of judgment. He would have history learned so that
facts have contexts and historical judgment a bearing on contemporary affairs; he was intrigued by
the possibilities of emulation, as were all the classical masters,7 and so informs us. He said we
need to see the difference between teaching, "where Marcellus died," which is unimportant and
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teaching "why it was unworthy of his duty that he died there," which has great significance. For
Montaigne, learning to judge well and speak well is where education resides:
Whatever presents itself to our eyes serves as a sufficient book. The knavery of
a page, the blunder of a servant, a table witticism... conversation with men is
wonderfully helpful, so is a visit to foreign lands... to whet and sharpen our wits
by rubbing them upon those of others.
And in Gargantua the physician Rabelais set out a pedagogy quite in harmony with the
experience-based curriculum of John Locke.
When I started teaching, I was able to transfer principles of Montaigne to my classroom without
any difficulty. They proved as useful to me in 1962 as they must have been to Montaigne in 1562,
wisdom eternally sane, always cost- free. In contrast, the bloated lists of "aims," "motivations,"
and "methods" the New York City Board of Education supplied me with were worse than useless;
many were dead wrong
One important bit of evidence that the informal attitude toward schooling was beginning to break
up in seventeenth-century New England is found in the Massachusetts School Law of 1647,
legislation attempting to establish a system of schools by government order and providing means
to enforce that order. Talk like this had been around for centuries, but this was a significant
enactment, coming from a theocratic Utopia on the frontier of the known universe.
Yet for all the effort of New England Puritan leadership to make its citizenry uniform through
schooling and pulpit, one of history's grand ironies is that orderly Anglican Virginia and the heirs
of Puritan Massachusetts were the prime makers of a revolution which successfully overthrew the
regulated uniformity of Britain. And in neither the startling Declaration of Independence, which
set out the motives for this revolution, nor in the even more startling Bill of Rights in which
ordinary people claimed their reward for courageous service, is either the word School or the
word Education even mentioned. At the nation's founding, nobody thought School a cause worth
going to war for, nobody thought it a right worth claiming.
7 Horace Mann and the entire inner coerie of mid-nineteenth to early- twentieth centure school men derided
emulation or the imitation of notable models as an effective spring of learning; thus was the most ancient and
effective motivation to learn — to become like someone admirable — put to death deliberately by institutional
pedagogy.
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Chapter 2
An Angry Look At Modern Schooling
Today 's corporate sponsors want to see their money used in ways to line up
with business objectives.... This is a young generation of corporate sponsors
and they have discovered the advantages of building long-term relationships
with educational institutions.
— Suzanne Cornforth of Paschall & Associates, public relations
consultants. As quoted in The New York Times, July 15, 1998
A Change In The Governing Mind
Sometimes the best hiding place is right in the open. It took seven years of reading and reflection
for me to finally figure out that mass schooling of the young by force was a creation of the four
great coal powers of the nineteenth century. It was under my nose, of course, but for years I
avoided seeing what was there because no one else seemed to notice. Forced schooling arose
from the new logic of the Industrial Age — the logic imposed on flesh and blood by fossil fuel and
high-speed machinery.
This simple reality is hidden from view by early philosophical and theological anticipations of
mass schooling in various writings about social order and human nature. But you shouldn't be
fooled any more than Charles Francis Adams was fooled when he observed in 1880 that what was
being cooked up for kids unlucky enough to be snared by the newly proposed institutional school
net combined characteristics of the cotton mill and the railroad with those of a state prison.
After the Civil War, Utopian speculative analysis regarding isolation of children in custodial
compounds where they could be subjected to deliberate molding routines, began to be discussed
seriously by the Northeastern policy elites of business, government, and university life. These
discussions were inspired by a growing realization that the productive potential of machinery
driven by coal was limitless. Railroad development made possible by coal and startling new
inventions like the telegraph, seemed suddenly to make village life and local dreams irrelevant. A
new governing mind was emerging in harmony with the new reality.
The principal motivation for this revolution in family and community life might seem to be greed,
but this surface appearance conceals philosophical visions approaching religious exaltation in
intensity — that effective early indoctrination of all children would lead to an orderly scientific
society, one controlled by the best people, now freed from the obsolete straitjacket of democratic
traditions and historic American libertarian attitudes.
Forced schooling was the medicine to bring the whole continental population into conformity with
these plans so that it might be regarded as a "human resource" and managed as a "workforce." No
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more Ben Franklins or TomEdisons could be allowed; they set a bad example. One way to
manage this was to see to it that individuals were prevented from taking up their working lives
until an advanced age when the ardor of youth and its insufferable self-confidence had cooled.
Extending Childhood
From the beginning, there was purpose behind forced schooling, purpose which had nothing to do
with what parents, kids, or communities wanted. Instead, this grand purpose was forged out of
what a highly centralized corporate economy and system of finance bent on internationalizing
itself was thought to need; that, and what a strong, centralized political state needed, too. School
was looked upon from the first decade of the twentieth century as a branch of industry and a tool
of governance. For a considerable time, probably provoked by a climate of official anger and
contempt directed against immigrants in the greatest displacement of people in history, social
managers of schooling were remarkably candid about what they were doing. In a speech he gave
before businessmen prior to the First World War, Woodrow Wilson made this unabashed
disclosure:
We want one class to have a liberal education. We want another class, a very
much larger class of necessity, to forgo the privilege of a liberal education and
fit themselves to perform specific difficult manual tasks.
By 1917, the major administrative jobs in American schooling were under the control of a group
referred to in the press of that day as "the Education Trust." The first meeting of this trust
included representatives of Rockefeller, Carnegie, Harvard, Stanford, the University of Chicago,
and the National Education Association. The chief end, wrote Benjamin Kidd, the British
evolutionist, in 1918, was to "impose on the young the ideal of subordination."
At first, the primary target was the tradition of independent livelihoods in America. Unless
Yankee entrepreneurialism could be extinguished, at least among the common population, the
immense capital investments that mass production industry required for equipment weren't
conceivably justifiable. Students were to learn to think of themselves as employees competing for
the favor of management. Not as Franklin or Edison had once regarded themselves, as
self-determined, free agents.
Only by a massive psychological campaign could the menace of overproduction in America be
contained. That's what important men and academics called it. The ability of Americans to think
as independent producers had to be curtailed. Certain writings of Alexander Inglis carry a hint of
schooling's role in this ultimately successful project to curb the tendency of little people to
compete with big companies. From 1880 to 1930, overproduction became a controlling metaphor
among the managerial classes, and this idea would have a profound influence on the development
of mass schooling.
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I know how difficult it is for most of us who mow our lawns and walk our dogs to comprehend
that long-range social engineering even exists, let alone that it began to dominate compulsion
schooling nearly a century ago. Yet the 1934 edition of Ellwood P. Cubberley's Public Education
in the United States is explicit about what happened and why. As Cubberley puts it:
It has come to be desirable that children should not engage in productive labor.
On the contrary, all recent thinking... [is] opposed to their doing so. Both the
interests of organized labor and the interests of the nation have set against child
labor. 1
The statement occurs in a section of Public Education called "A New Lengthening of the Period
of Dependence," in which Cubberley explains that "the coming of the factory system" has made
extended childhood necessary by depriving children of the training and education that farm and
village life once gave. With the breakdown of home and village industries, the passing of chores,
and the extinction of the apprenticeship system by large-scale production with its extreme division
of labor (and the "all conquering march of machinery"), an army of workers has arisen, said
Cubberley, who know nothing.
Furthermore, modern industry needs such workers. Sentimentality could not be allowed to stand
in the way of progress. According to Cubberley, with "much ridicule from the public press" the
old book-subject curriculum was set aside, replaced by a change in purpose and "a new
psychology of instruction which came to us from abroad." That last mysterious reference to a new
psychology is to practices of dumbed-down schooling common to England, Germany, and France,
the three major world coal-powers (other than the United States), each of which had already
converted its common population into an industrial proletariat.
Arthur Calhoun's 1919 Social History of the Family notified the nation's academics what was
happening. Calhoun declared that the fondest wish of Utopian writers was coming true, the child
was passing from its family "into the custody of community experts." He offered a significant
forecast, that in time we could expect to see public education "designed to check the mating of
the unfit." Three years later, Mayor John F. Hylan of New York said in a public speech that the
schools had been seized as an octopus would seize prey, by "an invisible government." He was
referring specifically to certain actions of the Rockefeller Foundation and other corporate interests
in New York City which preceded the school riots of 1917.
The 1920s were a boom period for forced schooling as well as for the stock market. In 1928, a
well-regarded volume called A Sociological Philosophy of Education claimed, "It is the business
of teachers to run not merely schools but the world." A year later, the famous creator of
educational psychology, Edward Thorndike of Columbia Teachers College, announced,
"Academic subjects are of little value." William Kirkpatrick, his colleague at Teachers College,
boasted in Education and the Social Crisis that the whole tradition of rearing the young was being
made over by experts.
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1 This is the same Ellwood P. Cubberley who wrote in his Columbia Teachers College Dissertation of 1905 that
schools were to be factories "in which raw products, children, are to be shaped and formed into finished products...
manufactured like nails, and the specifications for manufacturing will come from government and industry."
The Geneticist's Manifesto
Meanwhile, at the project offices of an important employer of experts, the Rockefeller
Foundation, friends were hearing from Max Mason, its president, that a comprehensive national
program was underway to allow, in Mason's words, "the control of human behavior." This
dazzling ambition was announced on April 11,1 933 . Schooling figured prominently in the design.
Rockefeller had been inspired by the work of Eastern European scientist Hermann Muller to
invest heavily in genetics. Muller had used x-rays to override genetic law, inducing mutations in
fruit flies. This seemed to open the door to the scientific control of life itself. Muller preached that
planned breeding would bring mankind to paradise faster than God. His proposal received
enthusiastic endorsement from the greatest scientists of the day as well as from powerful
economic interests.
Muller would win the Nobel Prize, reduce his proposal to a fifteen-hundred- word Geneticist's
Manifesto, and watch with satisfaction as twenty-two distinguished American and British
biologists of the day signed it. The state must prepare to consciously guide human sexual
selection, said Muller. School would have to separate worthwhile breeders from those slated for
termination.
Just a few months before this report was released, an executive director of the National Education
Association announced that his organization expected "to accomplish by education what dictators
in Europe are seeking to do by compulsion and force." You can't get much clearer than that.
WWII drove the project underground, but hardly retarded its momentum. Following cessation of
global hostilities, school became a major domestic battleground for the scientific rationalization of
social affairs through compulsory indoctrination. Great private corporate foundations led the way.
Participatory Democracy Put To The Sword
Thirty-odd years later, between 1967 and 1974, teacher training in the United States was covertly
revamped through coordinated efforts of a small number of private foundations, select
universities, global corporations, think tanks, and government agencies, all coordinated through
the U.S. Office of Education and through key state education departments like those in California,
Texas, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and New York.
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Important milestones of the transformation were: 1) an extensive government exercise in
futurology called Designing Education for the Future, 2) the Behavioral Science Teacher
Education Project, and 3) Benjamin Bloom's multivolume Taxonomy of Educational Objectives,
an enormous manual of over a thousand pages which, in time, impacted every school in America.
While other documents exist, these three are appropriate touchstones of the whole, serving to
make clear the nature of the project underway.
Take them one by one and savor each. Designing Education, produced by the Education
Department, redefined the term "education" after the Prussian fashion as "a means to achieve
important economic and social goals of a national character." State education agencies would
henceforth act as on-site federal enforcers, ensuring the compliance of local schools with central
directives. Each state education department was assigned the task of becoming "an agent of
change" and advised to "lose its independent identity as well as its authority," in order to "form a
partnership with the federal government."
The second document, the gigantic Behavioral Science Teacher Education Project, outlined
teaching reforms to be forced on the country after 1967. If you ever want to hunt this thing down,
it bears the U.S. Office of Education Contract Number OEC-0-9-320424-4042 (BIO). The
document sets out clearly the intentions of its creators — nothing less than "impersonal
manipulation" through schooling of a future America in which "few will be able to maintain
control over their opinions," an America in which "each individual receives at birth a
multi-purpose identification number" which enables employers and other controllers to keep track
of underlings and to expose them to direct or subliminal influence when necessary. Readers
learned that "chemical experimentation" on minors would be normal procedure in this post- 1967
world, a pointed foreshadowing of the massive Ritalin interventions which now accompany the
practice of forced schooling.
The Behavioral Science Teacher Education Project identified the future as one "in which a small
elite" will control all important matters, one where participatory democracy will largely disappear.
Children are made to see, through school experiences, that their classmates are so cruel and
irresponsible, so inadequate to the task of self-discipline, and so ignorant they need to be
controlled and regulated for society's good. Under such a logical regime, school terror can only
be regarded as good advertising. It is sobering to think of mass schooling as a vast demonstration
project of human inadequacy, but that is at least one of its functions.
Post-modern schooling, we are told, is to focus on "pleasure cultivation" and on "other attitudes
and skills compatible with a non-work world." Thus the socialization classroom of the century's
beginning — itself a radical departure from schooling for mental and character development — can
be seen to have evolved by 1967 into a full-scale laboratory for psychological experimentation.
School conversion was assisted powerfully by a curious phenomenon of the middle to late 1960s,
a tremendous rise in school violence and general school chaos which followed a policy declaration
(which seems to have occurred nationwide) that the disciplining of children must henceforth
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mimic the "due process" practice of the court system. Teachers and administrators were suddenly
stripped of any effective ability to keep order in schools since the due process apparatus, of
necessity a slow, deliberate matter, is completely inadequate to the continual outbreaks of childish
mischief all schools experience.
Now, without the time-honored ad hoc armory of disciplinary tactics to fall back on, disorder
spiraled out of control, passing from the realm of annoyance into more dangerous terrain entirely
as word surged through student bodies that teacher hands were tied. And each outrageous event
that reached the attention of the local press served as an advertisement for expert prescriptions.
Who had ever seen kids behave this way? Time to surrender community involvement to the
management of experts; time also for emergency measures like special education and Ritalin.
During this entire period, lasting five to seven years, outside agencies like the Ford Foundation
exercised the right to supervise whether "children's rights" were being given due attention,
fanning the flames hotter even long after trouble had become virtually unmanageable.
The Behavioral Science Teacher Education Project, published at the peak of this violence,
informed teacher-training colleges that under such circumstances, teachers had to be trained as
therapists; they must translate prescriptions of social psychology into "practical action" in the
classroom. As curriculum had been redefined, so teaching followed suit.
Third in the series of new gospel texts was Bloom's Taxonomy, 2 in his own words, "a tool to
classify the ways individuals are to act, think, or feel as the result of some unit of instruction."
Using methods of behavioral psychology, children would learn proper thoughts, feelings, and
actions, and have their improper attitudes brought from home "remediated."
In all stages of the school experiment, testing was essential to localize the child's mental state on
an official rating scale. Bloom's epic spawned important descendant forms: Mastery Learning,
Outcomes-Based Education, and School-to-Work government-business collaborations. Each
classified individuals for the convenience of social managers and businesses, each offered data
useful in controlling the mind and movements of the young, mapping the next adult generation.
But for what purpose? Why was this being done?
2 A fuller discussion of Bloom and the other documents mentioned here, plus much more, is available in the writing
of Beverly Eakman, a Department of Justice employee, particularly her book The Cloning of the American Mind
(1998).
Bad Character As A Management Tool
A large piece of the answer can be found by reading between the lines of an article that appeared
in the June 1998 issue of Foreign Affairs. Written by Mortimer Zuckerman, owner of U.S. News
and World Report (and other major publications), the essay praises the American economy,
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characterizing its lead over Europe and Asia as so structurally grounded no nation can possibly
catch up for a hundred years. American workers and the American managerial system are unique.
You are intrigued, I hope. So was I. Unless you believe in master race biology, our advantage can
only have come from training of the American young, in school and out, training which produces
attitudes and behavior useful to management. What might these crucial determinants of business
success be?
First, says Zuckerman, the American worker is a pushover. That's my translation, not his, but I
think it's a fair take on what he means when he says the American is indifferent to everything but
a paycheck. He doesn't try to tell the boss his job. By contrast, Europe suffers from a strong
"steam age" craft tradition where workers demand a large voice in decision-making. Asia is even
worse off, because even though the Asian worker is silenced, tradition and government interfere
with what business can do.
Next, says Zuckerman, workers in America live in constant panic; they know companies here owe
them nothing as fellow human beings. Fear is our secret supercharger, giving management
flexibility no other country has. In 1996, after five years of record profitability, almost half of all
Americans in big business feared being laid off. This fear keeps a brake on wages.
Next, in the United States, human beings don't make decisions, abstract formulas do;
management by mathematical rules makes the company manager- proof as well as worker-proof.
Finally, our endless consumption completes the charmed circle, consumption driven by non- stop
addiction to novelty, a habit which provides American business with the only reliable domestic
market in the world. Elsewhere, in hard times business dries up, but not here; here we shop till we
drop, mortgaging the future in bad times as well as good.
Can't you feel in your bones Zuckerman is right? I have little doubt the fantastic wealth of
American big business is psychologically and procedurally grounded in our form of schooling. The
training field for these grotesque human qualities is the classroom. Schools train individuals to
respond as a mass. Boys and girls are drilled in being bored, frightened, envious, emotionally
needy, generally incomplete. A successful mass production economy requires such a clientele. A
small business, small farm economy like that of the Amish requires individual competence,
thoughtfulness, compassion, and universal participation; our own requires a managed mass of
leveled, spiritless, anxious, familyless, friendless, godless, and obedient people who believe the
difference between Cheers and Seinfeld is a subject worth arguing about.
The extreme wealth of American big business is the direct result of school having trained us in
certain attitudes like a craving for novelty. That's what the bells are for. They don't ring so much
as to say, "Now for something different."
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An Enclosure Movement For Children
The secret of American schooling is that it doesn't teach the way children learn, and it isn't
supposed to; school was engineered to serve a concealed command economy and a deliberately
re-stratified social order. It wasn't made for the benefit of kids and families as those individuals
and institutions would define their own needs. School is the first impression children get of
organized society; like most first impressions, it is the lasting one. Life according to school is dull
and stupid, only consumption promises relief: Coke, Big Macs, fashion jeans, that's where real
meaning is found, that is the classroom's lesson, however indirectly delivered.
The decisive dynamics which make forced schooling poisonous to healthy human development
aren't hard to spot. Work in classrooms isn't significant work; it fails to satisfy real needs pressing
on the individual; it doesn't answer real questions experience raises in the young mind; it doesn't
contribute to solving any problem encountered in actual life. The net effect of making all
schoolwork external to individual longings, experiences, questions, and problems is to render the
victim listless. This phenomenon has been well-understood at least since the time of the British
enclosure movement which forced small farmers off their land into factory work. Growth and
mastery come only to those who vigorously self-direct. Initiating, creating, doing, reflecting,
freely associating, enjoying privacy — these are precisely what the structures of schooling are set
up to prevent, on one pretext or another.
As I watched it happen, it took about three years to break most kids, three years confined to
environments of emotional neediness with nothing real to do. In such environments, songs, smiles,
bright colors, cooperative games, and other tension-breakers do the work better than angry words
and punishment. Years ago it struck me as more than a little odd that the Prussian government
was the patron of Heinrich Pestalozzi, inventor of multicultural fun-and-games psychological
elementary schooling, and of Friedrich Froebel, inventor of kindergarten. It struck me as odd that
J.P. Morgan's partner, Peabody, was instrumental in bringing Prussian schooling to the prostrate
South after the Civil War. But after a while I began to see that behind the philanthropy lurked a
rational economic purpose.
The strongest meshes of the school net are invisible. Constant bidding for a stranger's attention
creates a chemistry producing the common characteristics of modern schoolchildren: whining,
dishonesty, malice, treachery, cruelty. Unceasing competition for official favor in the dramatic fish
bowl of a classroom delivers cowardly children, little people sunk in chronic boredom, little
people with no apparent purpose for being alive. The full significance of the classroom as a
dramatic environment, as primarily a dramatic environment, has never been properly
acknowledged or examined.
The most destructive dynamic is identical to that which causes caged rats to develop eccentric or
even violent mannerisms when they press a bar for sustenance on an aperiodic reinforcement
schedule (one where food is delivered at random, but the rat doesn't suspect). Much of the weird
behavior school kids display is a function of the aperiodic reinforcement schedule. And the endless
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confinement and inactivity to slowly drive children out of their minds. Trapped children, like
trapped rats, need close management. Any rat psychologist will tell you that.
The Dangan
In the first decades of the twentieth century, a small group of soon-to-be-famous academics,
symbolically led by John Dewey and Edward Thorndike of Columbia Teachers College, Ellwood
P. Cubberley of Stanford, G. Stanley Hall of Clark, and an ambitious handful of others, energized
and financed by major corporate and financial allies like Morgan, Astor, Whitney, Carnegie, and
Rockefeller, decided to bend government schooling to the service of business and the political
state — as it had been done a century before in Prussia.
Cubberley delicately voiced what was happening this way: "The nature of the national need must
determine the character of the education provided." National need, of course, depends upon point
of view. The NEA in 1930 sharpened our understanding by specifying in a resolution of its
Department of Superintendence that what school served was an "effective use of capital" through
which our "unprecedented wealth-producing power has been gained." When you look beyond the
rhetoric of Left and Right, pronouncements like this mark the degree to which the organs of
schooling had been transplanted into the corporate body of the new economy.
It's important to keep in mind that no harm was meant by any designers or managers of this great
project. It was only the law of nature as they perceived it, working progressively as capitalism
itself did for the ultimate good of all. The real force behind school effort came from true believers
of many persuasions, linked together mainly by their belief that family and church were retrograde
institutions standing in the way of progress. Far beyond the myriad practical details and economic
considerations there existed a kind of grail-quest, an idea capable of catching the imagination of
dreamers and firing the blood of zealots.
The entire academic community here and abroad had been Darwinized and Galtonized by this time
and to this contingent school seemed an instrument for managing evolutionary destiny. In
Thorndike's memorable words, conditions for controlled selective breeding had to be set up
before the new American industrial proletariat "took things into their own hands."
America was a frustrating petri dish in which to cultivate a managerial revolution, however,
because of its historic freedom traditions. But thanks to the patronage of important men and
institutions, a group of academics were enabled to visit mainland China to launch a modernization
project known as the "New Thought Tide." Dewey himself lived in China for two years where
pedagogical theories were inculcated in the Young Turk elements, then tested on a bewildered
population which had recently been stripped of its ancient form of governance. A similar process
was embedded in the new Russian state during the 1920s.
While American public opinion was unaware of this undertaking, some big-city school
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superintendents were wise to the fact that they were part of a global experiment. Listen to H.B.
Wilson, superintendent of the Topeka schools:
The introduction of the American school into the Orient has broken up 40
centuries of conservatism. It has given us a new China, a new Japan, and is
working marked progress in Turkey and the Philippines. The schools.. .are in a
position to determine the lines of progress. (Motivation of School Work, 1916)
Thoughts like this don't spring full-blown from the heads of men like Dr. Wilson of Topeka. They
have to be planted there.
The Western-inspired and Western-financed Chinese revolution, following hard on the heels of the
last desperate attempt by China to prevent the British government traffic in narcotic drugs there,
placed that ancient province in a favorable state of anarchy for laboratory tests of mind-alteration
technology. Out of this period rose a Chinese universal tracking procedure called "The Dangan," a
continuous lifelong personnel file exposing every student's intimate life history from birth through
school and onwards. The Dangan constituted the ultimate overthrow of privacy. Today, nobody
works in China without a Dangan.
By the mid-1960s preliminary work on an American Dangan was underway as information
reservoirs attached to the school institution began to store personal information. A new class of
expert like Ralph Tyler of the Carnegie Endowments quietly began to urge collection of personal
data from students and its unification in computer code to enhance cross-referencing.
Surreptitious data gathering was justified by Tyler as "the moral right of institutions."
Occasional Letter Number One
Between 1896 and 1920, a small group of industrialists and financiers, together with their private
charitable foundations, subsidized university chairs, university researchers, and school
administrators, spent more money on forced schooling than the government itself did. Carnegie
and Rockefeller, as late as 191 5, were spending more themselves. In this laissez-faire fashion a
system of modern schooling was constructed without public participation. The motives for this
are undoubtedly mixed, but it will be useful for you to hear a few excerpts from the first mission
statement of Rockefeller's General Education Board as they occur in a document called
Occasional Letter Number One (1906):
In our dreams.. .people yield themselves with perfect docility to our molding
hands. The present educational conventions [intellectual and character
education] fade from our minds, and unhampered by tradition we work our
own good will upon a grateful and responsive folk. We shall not try to make
these people or any of their children into philosophers or men of learning or
men of science. We have not to raise up from among them authors, educators,
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poets or men of letters. We shall not search for embryo great artists, painters,
musicians, nor lawyers, doctors, preachers, politicians, statesmen, of whom we
have ample supply. The task we set before ourselves is very simple... we will
organize children... and teach them to do in a perfect way the things their
fathers and mothers are doing in an imperfect way.
This mission statement will reward multiple re-readings.
Change Agents Infiltrate
By 1971, the U.S. Office of Education was deeply committed to accessing private lives and
thoughts of children. In that year it granted contracts for seven volumes of "change-agent" studies
to the RAND Corporation. Change-agent training was launched with federal funding under the
Education Professions Development Act. In time the fascinating volume Change Agents Guide to
Innovation in Education appeared, following which grants were awarded to teacher training
programs for the development of change agents. Six more RAND manuals were subsequently
distributed, enlarging the scope of change agentry.
In 1973, Catherine Barrett, president of the National Education Association, said, "Dramatic
changes in the way we raise our children are indicated, particularly in terms of schooling... we will
be agents of change." By 1989, a senior director of the Mid-Continent Regional Educational
Laboratory told the fifty governors of American states that year assembled to discuss government
schooling, "What we're into is total restructuring of society." It doesn't get much plainer than
that. There is no record of a single governor objecting.
Two years later Gerald Bracey, a leading professional promoter of government schooling, wrote
in his annual report to clients: "We must continue to produce an uneducated social class."
Overproduction was the bogey of industrialists in 1900; a century later underproduction made
possible by dumbed-down schooling had still to keep that disease in check.
Bionomics
The crude power and resources to make twentieth-century forced schooling happen as it did came
from large corporations and the federal government, from powerful, lone -established families, and
from the universities, now swollen with recruits from the declining Protestant ministry and from
once-clerical families. All this is easy enough to trace once you know it's there. But the soul of
the thing was far more complex, an amalgam of ancient religious doctrine, Utopian philosophy,
and European/ Asiatic strong-state politics mixed together and distilled. The great facade behind
which this was happening was a new enlightenment: scientific scholarship in league with German
research values brought to America in the last half of the nineteenth century. Modern German
tradition always assigned universities the primary task of directly serving industry and the political
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state, but that was a radical contradiction of American tradition to serve the individual and the
family.
Indiana University provides a sharp insight into the kind of science-fictional consciousness
developing outside the mostly irrelevant debate conducted in the press about schooling, a debate
proceeding on early nineteenth-century lines. By 1900, a special discipline existed at Indiana for
elite students, Bionomics. Invitees were hand-picked by college president David Starr Jordan,
who created and taught the course. It dealt with the why and how of producing a new
evolutionary ruling class, although that characterization, suggesting as it does kings, dukes, and
princes, is somewhat misleading. In the new scientific era dawning, the ruling class were those
managers trained in the goals and procedures of new systems. Jordan did so well at Bionomics he
was soon invited into the major leagues of university existence, (an invitation extended personally
by rail tycoon Leland Stanford) to become first president of Stanford University, a school inspired
by Andrew Carnegie's famous "Gospel of Wealth" essay. Jordan remained president of Stanford
for thirty years.
Bionomics acquired its direct link with forced schooling in a fortuitous fashion. When he left
Indiana, Jordan eventually reached back to get his star Bionomics protege, Ellwood P. Cubberley,
to become dean of Teacher Education at Stanford. In this heady position, young Cubberley made
himself a reigning aristocrat of the new institution. He wrote a history of American schooling
which became the standard of the school business for the next fifty years; he assembled a national
syndicate which controlled administrative posts from coast to coast. Cubberley was the man to
see, the kingmaker in American school life until its pattern was set in stone.
Did the abstract and rather arcane discipline of Bionomics have any effect on real life? Well,
consider this: the first formal legislation making forced sterilization a legal act on planet Earth was
passed, not in Germany or Japan, but in the American state of Indiana, a law which became
official in the famous 1927 Supreme Court test case Buck vs. Bell. Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes
wrote the majority opinion allowing seventeen-year-old Carrie Buck to be sterilized against her
will to prevent her "degenerate offspring," in Holmes' words, from being born. Twenty years after
the momentous decision, in the trial of German doctors at Nuremberg, Nazi physicians testified
that their precedents were American — aimed at combating racial degeneracy. The German name
for forced sterilization was "the Indiana Procedure."
To say this bionomical spirit infected public schooling is only to say birds fly. 3 Once you know it's
there, the principle jumps out at you from behind every school bush. It suffused public discourse
in many areas where it had claimed superior insight. Walter Lippmann, in 1922, demanded "severe
restrictions on public debate," in light of the allegedly enormous number of feeble-minded
Americans. The old ideal of participatory democracy was insane, according to Lippmann.
The theme of scientifically controlled breeding interacted in a complex way with the old Prussian
ideal of a logical society run by experts loyal to the state. It also echoed the idea of British state
religion and political society that God Himself had appointed the social classes. What gradually
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began to emerge from this was a Darwinian caste -based American version of institutional
schooling remote-controlled at long distance, administered through a growing army of hired
hands, layered into intricate pedagogical hierarchies on the old Roman principle of divide and
conquer. Meanwhile, in the larger world, assisted mightily by intense concentration of ownership
in the new electronic media, developments moved swiftly also.
In 1928, Edward L. Bernays, godfather of the new craft of spin control we call "public relations,"
told the readers of his book Crystallizing Public Opinion that "invisible power" was now in control
of every aspect of American life. Democracy, said Bernays, was only a front for skillful
wire-pulling. The necessary know-how to pull these crucial wires was available for sale to
businessmen and policy people. Public imagination was controlled by shaping the minds of
schoolchildren.
By 1944, a repudiation of Jefferson's idea that mankind had natural rights was resonating in every
corner of academic life. Any professor who expected free money from foundations, corporations,
or government agencies had to play the scientific management string on his lute. In 1961, the
concept of the political state as the sovereign principle surfaced dramatically in John F. Kennedy's
famous inaugural address in which his national audience was lectured, "Ask not what your
country can do for you, but what you can do for your country."
Thirty-five years later, Kennedy's lofty Romanized rhetoric and metaphor were replaced by the
tough-talking wise guy idiom of Time, instructing its readers in a 1996 cover story that
"Democracy is in the worst interest of national goals." As Time reporters put it, "The modern
world is too complex to allow the man or woman in the street to interfere in its management."
Democracy was deemed a system for losers.
To a public desensitized to its rights and possibilities, frozen out of the national debate, to a public
whose fate was in the hands of experts, the secret was in the open for those who could read
entrails: the original American ideals had been repudiated by their guardians. School was best seen
from this new perspective as the critical terminal on a production line to create a utopia
resembling EPCOT Center, but with one important bionomical limitation: it wasn't intended for
everyone, at least not for very long, this utopia.
Out of Johns Hopkins in 1996 came this chilling news:
The American economy has grown massively since the mid 1960s, but
workers' real spendable wages are no higher than they were 30 years ago.
That from a book called Fat and Mean, about the significance of corporate downsizing. During
the boom economy of the 1980s and 1990s, purchasing power rose for 20 percent of the
population and actually declined 13 percent for the other four- fifths. Indeed, after inflation was
factored in, purchasing power of a working couple in 1995 was only 8 percent greater than for a
single working man in 1905; this steep decline in common prosperity over ninety years forced
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both parents from home and deposited kids in the management systems of daycare, extended
schooling, and commercial entertainment. Despite the century-long harangue that schooling was
the cure for unevenly spread wealth, exactly the reverse occurred — wealth was 250 percent more
concentrated at century's end than at its beginning.
I don't mean to be inflammatory, but it's as if government schooling made people dumber, not
brighter; made families weaker, not stronger; ruined formal religion with its hard-sell exclusion of
God; set the class structure in stone by dividing children into classes and setting them against one
another; and has been midwife to an alarming concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a
fraction of the national community.
3 The following questions were put to schoolchildren in the South Dearborn School District in Aurora, Indiana, in
1994, with which they were asked to: Strongly Agree/Agree/Disagree/Strongly Disagree: "I approve the practice of
sterilizing the feeble-minded living in state institutions," and "I think it is unacceptable to society to use medical
procedures to keep genetically defective humans alive so they can marry and reproduce."
Waking Up Angry
Throughout most of my long school career I woke up angry in the morning, went through the
school day angry, went to sleep angry at night. Anger was the fuel that drove me to spend thirty
years trying to master this destructive institution.
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Chapter 3
Eyeless In Gaza
The deeds were monstrous, but the doer [Adolf Eichmann] ....was quite
ordinary, commonplace, and neither demonic nor monstrous. There was no
sign in him of firm ideological convictions or of specific evil motives, and the
only notable characteristic one could detect in his past behavior as well as in
his behavior during the trial... was something entirely negative; it was not
stupidity but thoughtlessness.... Might not the problem of good and evil, our
faculty for telling right from wrong, be connected with our faculty for thought
— Hannah Arendt, The Life of the Mind
The School Edition
I always knew schoolbooks and real books were different. Most kids do. But I remained vague on
any particular grounds for my prejudice until one day, tired of the simple-minded junior high
school English curriculum, I decided to teach Moby Dick to eighth-grade classes. A friendly
assistant principal smuggled a school edition into the book purchases and we were able to weigh
anchor the next fall.
What a book! Ishmael, the young seaman who relates Melville's tale, is a half-orphan by decree of
Fate, sentenced never to know a natural home again. But Ahab is no accidental victim. He has
consciously willed his own exile from a young wife and child, from the fruits of his wealth, and
from Earth itself in order to pursue his vocation of getting even. Revenge on the natural order is
what drives him.
War against God and family. To me, it defines the essence of Americanness. It's no accident that
America's three classic novels — Moby Dick, The Scarlet Letter, and Huckleberry Finn — each deal
with ambiguous families or that each emerges from a time not far from either side of the Civil
War. America had been an inferno for families, as Melville, Hawthorne, and Twain all knew.
Midway through our first full century as a nation, the nearly universal American experience of
homelessness found its voice. Ishmael is a half-orphan, Ahab an absentee father and husband, the
harpooners expatriate men of color; Pearl a bastard, Hester an adulteress, the Reverend
Dimmesdale a sexual predator and runaway father; Huck Finn, de facto, an adoptee, Jim a
twice-uprooted African slave. When we think what our schools became we need to recall what a
great pile of us are homeless. We long for homes we can never have as long as we have
institutions like school, television, corporation, and government in loco parentis.
Patricia Lines of the U.S. Department of Education, in trying honorably to discuss what the rank
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and file of homeschoolers actually do, finally declared it seems to be wrapped up closely with a
feeling of "intense interest in the life of the community." Above anything else, she found loyalty in
the warp and woof of family:
Homeschoolers are tremendously loyal as family members, they are suspicious
of television and other less intimate influences. They eat as a family, they
socialize as a family, they attend church as a family, they become members of
an extended... ho meschooling community.
American great fiction is about individuals broken from family. The closest they come to
satisfying the universal yearning is a struggle for surrogates — like the strange connection between
Pearl, Hester, and the dark forest. America's most fascinating storytellers focus on the hollowness
of American public life. We have no place to go when work is done. Our inner life long
extinguished, our public work in remaking the world can never be done because personal
homework isn't available to us. There's no institutional solace for this malady. In outrage at our
lonely fate, we lay siege to the family sanctuary wherever it survives, as Ahab lay siege to the seas
for his accursed Whale.
For this and other reasons long lost, I decided to teach Moby Dick to my eighth-grade classes.
Including the dumb ones. I discovered right away the white whale was just too big for
forty-five-minute bell breaks; I couldn't divide it comfortably to fit the schedule. Melville's book
is too vast to say just what the right way to teach it really is. It speaks to every reader privately.
To grapple with it demanded elastic time, not the fixed bell breaks of junior high. Indeed, it
offered so many choices of purpose — some aesthetic, some historical, some social, some
philosophical, some theological, some dramatic, some economic — that compelling the attention of
a room full of young people to any one aspect seemed willful and arbitrary.
Soon after I began teaching Moby Dick I realized the school edition wasn't a real book but a kind
of disguised indoctrination providing all the questions, a scientific addition to the original text
designed to make the book teacher-proof and student-proof. If you even read those questions (let
alone answered them) there would be no chance ever again for a private exchange between you
and Melville; the invisible editor would have preempted it.
The editors of the school edition provided a package of prefabricated questions and more than a
hundred chapter-by-chapter abstracts and interpretations of their own. Many teachers consider
this a gift — it does the thinking for them. If I didn't assign these questions, kids wanted to know
why not. Their parents wanted to know why not. Unless everyone duly parroted the party line set
down by the book editor, children used to getting high marks became scared and angry.
The school text of Moby Dick had been subtly denatured; worse than useless, it was actually
dangerous. So I pitched it out and bought a set of undoctored books with my own money. The
school edition of Moby Dick asked all the right questions, so I had to throw it away. Real books
don't do that. Real books demand people actively participate by asking their own questions.
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Books that show you the best questions to ask aren't just stupid, they hurt the mind under the
guise of helping it — exactly the way standardized tests do. Real books, unlike schoolbooks, can't
be standardized. They are eccentric; no book fits everyone.
If you think about it, schooled people, like schoolbooks, are much alike. Some folks find that
desirable for economic reasons. The discipline organizing our economy and our politics derives
from mathematical and interpretive exercises, the accuracy of which depends upon customers
being much alike and very predictable. People who read too many books get quirky. We can't
have too much eccentricity or it would bankrupt us. Market research depends on people behaving
as if they were alike. It doesn't really matter whether they are or not.
One way to see the difference between schoolbooks and real books like Moby Dick is to examine
different procedures which separate librarians, the custodians of real books, from schoolteachers,
the custodians of schoolbooks. To begin with, libraries are usually comfortable, clean, and quiet.
They are orderly places where you can actually read instead of just pretending to read.
For some reason libraries are never age-segregated, nor do they presume to segregate readers by
questionable tests of ability any more than farms or forests or oceans do. The librarian doesn't tell
me what to read, doesn't tell me what sequence of reading I have to follow, doesn't grade my
reading. The librarian trusts me to have a worthwhile purpose of my own. I appreciate that and
trust the library in return.
Some other significant differences between libraries and schools: the librarian lets me ask my own
questions and helps me when I want help, not when she decides I need it. If I feel like reading all
day long, that's okay with the librarian, who doesn't compel me to stop at intervals by ringing a
bell in my ear. The library keeps its nose out of my home. It doesn't send letters to my family, nor
does it issue orders on how I should use my reading time at home.
The library doesn't play favorites; it's a democratic place as seems proper in a democracy. If the
books I want are available, I get them, even if that decision deprives someone more gifted and
talented than I am. The library never humiliates me by posting ranked lists of good readers. It
presumes good reading is its own reward and doesn't need to be held up as an object lesson to
bad readers. One of the strangest differences between a library and a school is that you almost
never see a kid behaving badly in a library.
The library never makes predictions about my future based on my past reading habits. It tolerates
eccentric reading because it realizes free men and women are often very eccentric. Finally, the
library has real books, not schoolbooks. I know the Moby Dick I find in the library won't have
questions at the end of the chapter or be scientifically bowdlerized. Library books are not written
by collective pens. At least not yet.
Real books conform to the private curriculum of each author, not to the invisible curriculum of a
corporate bureaucracy. Real books transport us to an inner realm of solitude and unmonitored
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mental reflection in a way schoolbooks and computer programs can't. If they were not devoid of
such capacity, they would jeopardize school routines devised to control behavior. Real books
conform to the private curriculum of particular authors, not to the demands of bureaucracy.
Intellectual Espionage
At the start of WWII millions of men showed up at registration offices to take low-level academic
tests before being inducted. 1 The years of maximum mobilization were 1942 tol944; the fighting
force had been mostly schooled in the 1930s, both those inducted and those turned away. Of the
18 million men were tested, 17,280,000 of them were judged to have the minimum competence in
reading required to be a soldier, a 96 percent literacy rate. Although this was a 2 percent fall-off
from the 98 percent rate among voluntary military applicants ten years earlier, the dip was so
small it didn't worry anybody.
WWII was over in 1945. Six years later another war began in Korea. Several million men were
tested for military service but this time 600,000 were rejected. Literacy in the draft pool had
dropped to 8 1 percent, even though all that was needed to classify a soldier as literate was fourth-
grade reading proficiency. In the few short years from the beginning of WWII to Korea, a
terrifying problem of adult illiteracy had appeared. The Korean War group received most of its
schooling in the 1940s, and it had more years in school with more professionally trained personnel
and more scientifically selected textbooks than the WWII men, yet it could not read, write, count,
speak, or think as well as the earlier, less-schooled contingent.
A third American war began in the mid-1 960s. By its end in 1973 the number of men found
noninductible by reason of inability to read safety instructions, interpret road signs, decipher
orders, and so on — in other words, the number found illiterate — had reached 27 percent of the
total pool. Vietnam-era young men had been schooled in the 1950s and the 1960s — much better
schooled than either of the two earlier groups — but the 4 percent illiteracy of 1941 which had
transmuted into the 19 percent illiteracy of 1952 had now had grown into the 27 percent illiteracy
of 1970. Not only had the fraction of competent readers dropped to 73 percent but a substantial
chunk of even those were only barely adequate; they could not keep abreast of developments by
reading a newspaper, they could not read for pleasure, they could not sustain a thought or an
argument, they could not write well enough to manage their own affairs without assistance.
Consider how much more compelling this steady progression of intellectual blindness is when we
track it through army admissions tests rather than college admissions scores and standardized
reading tests, which inflate apparent proficiency by frequently changing the way the tests are
scored.
Looking back, abundant data exist from states like Connecticut and Massachusetts to show that
by 1840 the incidence of complex literacy in the United States was between 93 and 100 percent
wherever such a thing mattered. According to the Connecticut census of 1840, only one citizen
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out of every 579 was illiterate and you probably don't want to know, not really, what people in
those days considered literate; it's too embarrassing. Popular novels of the period give a clue:
Last of the Mohicans, published in 1826, sold so well that a contemporary equivalent would have
to move 10 million copies to match it. If you pick up an uncut version you find yourself in a dense
thicket of philosophy, history, culture, manners, politics, geography, analysis of human motives
and actions, all conveyed in data- rich periodic sentences so formidable only a determined and
well-educated reader can handle it nowadays. Yet in 1818 we were a small- farm nation without
colleges or universities to speak of. Could those simple folk have had more complex minds than
our own?
By 1940, the literacy figure for all states stood at 96 percent for whites, 80 percent for blacks.
Notice that for all the disadvantages blacks labored under, four of five were nevertheless literate.
Six decades later, at the end of the twentieth century, the National Adult Literacy Survey and the
National Assessment of Educational Progress say 40 percent of blacks and 17 percent of whites
can't read at all. Put another way, black illiteracy doubled, white illiteracy quadrupled. Before you
think of anything else in regard to these numbers, think of this: we spend three to four times as
much real money on schooling as we did sixty years ago, but sixty years ago virtually everyone,
black or white, could read.
In their famous bestseller, The Bell Curve, prominent social analysts Charles Murray and Richard
Herrnstein say that what we're seeing are the results of selective breeding in society. Smart people
naturally get together with smart people, dumb people with dumb people. As they have children
generation after generation, the differences between the groups gets larger and larger. That
so lands plausible and the authors produce impressive mathematics to prove their case, but their
documentation shows they are entirely ignorant of the military data available to challenge their
contention. The terrifying drop in literacy between World War II and Korea happened in a
decade, and even the brashest survival-of-the-fittest theorist wouldn't argue evolution unfolds that
way. The Bell Curve writers say black illiteracy (and violence) is genetically programmed, but like
many academics they ignore contradictory evidence.
For example, on the matter of violence inscribed in black genes, the inconvenient parallel is to
South Africa where 3 1 million blacks live, the same count living in the United States. Compare
numbers of blacks who died by violence in South Africa in civil war conditions during 1989,
1990, and 1991 with our own peacetime mortality statistics and you find that far from exceeding
the violent death toll in the United States or even matching it, South Africa had proportionately
less than one-quarter the violent death rate of American blacks. If more contemporary
comparisons are sought, we need only compare the current black literacy rate in the United States
(56 percent) with the rate in Jamaica (98.5 percent) — a figure considerably higher than the
American white literacy rate (83 percent).
If not heredity, what then? Well, one change is indisputable, well-documented and easy to track.
During WWII, American public schools massively converted to non-phonetic ways of teaching
reading. On the matter of violence alone this would seem to have impact: according to the Justice
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Department, 80 percent of the incarcerated violent criminal population is illiterate or nearly so
(and 67 percent of all criminals locked up). There seems to be a direct connection between the
humiliation poor readers experience and the life of angry criminals. 2
As reading ability plummeted in America after WWII, crime soared, so did out-of-wedlock births,
which doubled in the 1950s and doubled again in the '60s, when bizarre violence for the first time
became commonplace in daily life.
When literacy was first abandoned as a primary goal by schools, white people were in a better
position than black people because they inherited a three-hundred-year-old American tradition of
learning to read at home by matching spoken sound with letters, thus home assistance was able to
correct the deficiencies of dumbed-down schools for whites. But black people had been forbidden
to learn to read under slavery, and as late as 1930 only averaged three to four years of schooling,
so they were helpless when teachers suddenly stopped teaching children to read, since they had no
fall-back position. Not helpless because of genetic inferiority but because they had to trust school
authorities to a much greater extent than white people.
Back in 1952 the Army quietly began hiring hundreds of psychologists to find out how 600,000
high school graduates had successfully faked illiteracy. Regna Wood sums up the episode this
way:
After the psychologists told the officers that the graduates weren't faking,
Defense Department administrators knew that something terrible had happened
in grade school reading instruction. And they knew it had started in the thirties.
Why they remained silent, no one knows. The switch back to reading
instruction that worked for everyone should have been made then. But it
wasn't.
In 1882, fifth graders read these authors in their Appleton School Reader: William Shakespeare,
Henry Thoreau, George Washington, Sir Walter Scott, Mark Twain, Benjamin Franklin, Oliver
Wendell Holmes, John Bunyan, Daniel Webster, Samuel Johnson, Lewis Carroll, Thomas
Jefferson, Ralph Waldo Emerson, and others like them. In 1995, a student teacher of fifth graders
in Minneapolis wrote to the local newspaper, "I was told children are not to be expected to spell
the following words correctly: back, big, call, came, can, day, did, dog, down, get, good, have,
he, home, if, in, is, it, like, little, man, morning, mother, my, night, off, out, over, people, play,
ran, said, saw, she, some, soon, their, them, there, time, two, too, up, us, very, water, we, went,
where, when, will, would, etc. Is this nuts?"
1 The discussion here is based on Regna Lee Wood's work as printed in Chester Finn and Diane Ravitch's
Network News and Views (and reprinted many other places). Together with other statistical indictments, from the
National Adult Literacy Survey, the Journal of the American Medical Association, and a host of other credible
sources, it provides chilling evidence of the disastrous turn in reading methodology. But in a larger sense the author
urges every reader to trust personal judgment over "numerical" evidence, whatever the source. During the writer's
30-year classroom experience, the decline in student ability to comprehend difficult text was marked, while the
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ability to extract and parrot "information" in the form of "facts" was much less affected. This is a product of
deliberate pedagogy, to what end is the burden of my essay.
2 A particularly clear example of the dynamics hypothesized to cause the correlation can be found in Michael S.
Brunner's monograph, "Reduced Recidivism and Increased Employment Opportunity Through Research-Based
Reading Instruction," United States Department of Justice (June 1992). Brunner's recent book Retarding America,
written as a Visiting Fellow for the U.S. Department of Justice, is recommended. A growing body of documentation
ties illiteracy causally to violent crime. A study by Dennis Hogenson titled "Reading Failure and Juvenile
Delinquency" (Reading Reform Foundation) attempted to correlate teenage aggression with age, family size,
number of parents present in home, rural versus urban environment, socio-economic status, minority group
membership, and religious preference. None of these factors produced a significant correlation. But one did. As the
author reports, "Only reading failure was found to correlate with aggression in both populations of delinquent boys."
An organization of ex-prisoners testified before the Sub-Committee on Education of the U.S. Congress that in its
opinion illiteracy was an important causative factor in crime "for the illiterate have very few honest ways to make a
living." In 1994 the U.S. Department of Education acknowledged that two-thirds of all incarcerated criminals have
poor literacy.
Looking Behind Appearances
Do you think class size, teacher compensation, and school revenue have much to do with
education quality? If so, the conclusion is inescapable that we are living in a golden age. From
1955 to 1991 the U.S. pupil/teacher ratio dropped 40 percent, the average salary of teachers rose
50 percent (in real terms) and the annual expense per pupil, inflation adjusted, soared 350 percent.
What other hypothesis, then, might fit the strange data I'm about to present?
Forget the 10 percent drop in SAT and Achievement Test scores the press beats to death with
regularity; how do you explain the 37 percent decline since 1972 in students who score above 600
on the SAT? This is an absolute decline, not a relative one. It is not affected by an increase in
unsuitable minds taking the test or by an increase in the numbers. The absolute body count of
smart students is down drastically with a test not more difficult than yesterday's but considerably
less so.
What should be made of a 50 percent decline among the most rarefied group of test-takers, those
who score above 750? In 1972, there were 2,817 American students who reached this pinnacle;
only 1,438 did in 1994 — when kids took a much easier test. Can a 50 percent decline occur in
twenty-two years without signaling that some massive leveling in the public school mind is
underway? 1
In a real sense where your own child is concerned you might best forget scores on these tests
entirely as a reliable measure of what they purport to assess. I wouldn't deny that mass
movements in these scores in one direction or another indicate something is going on, and since
the correlation between success in schooling and success on these tests is close, then significant
score shifts are certainly measuring changes in understanding. This is a difficult matter for anyone
to sort out, since many desirable occupational categories (and desirable university seats even
before that) are reserved for those who score well. The resultant linkage of adult income with test
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scores then creates the illusion these tests are separating cream from milk, but the results are
rigged in advance by foreclosing opportunity to those screened out by the test! In a humble
illustration, if you only let students with high scores on the language component of the SATs cut
hair, eventually it would appear that verbal facility and grooming of tresses had some vital link
with each other. Between 1960 and 1998 the nonteaching bureaucracy of public schools grew 500
percent, but oversight was concentrated into fewer and fewer hands. The 40,520 school districts
with elected boards this nation had in 1960 shriveled to 15,000 by 1998.
On the college rung of the school ladder something queer was occurring, too. Between 1960 and
1984 the quality of undergraduate education at America's fifty best -known colleges and
universities altered substantially. According to a 1996 report by the National Association of
Scholars, these schools stopped providing "broad and rigorous exposure to major areas of
knowledge" for the average student, even at decidedly un-average universities like Yale and
Stanford.
In 1964, more than half of these institutions required a thesis or comprehensive for the bachelor's
degree; by 1993, 12 percent did; over the same period, the average number of classroom days fell
16 percent, and requirements in math, natural science, philosophy, literature, composition, and
history almost vanished. Rhetoric, most potent of the active literacies, completely vanished, and a
foreign language, once required at 96 percent of the great colleges, fell to 64 percent.
According to The Journal of the American Medical Association (December 1995), 33 percent of
all patients cannot read and understand instructions on how often to take medication, notices
about doctor's appointments, consent forms, labels on prescription bottles, insurance forms, and
other simple parts of self-care. They are rendered helpless by inability to read. Concerning those
behind the nation's prison walls (a population that has tripled since 1980), the National Center for
Education Statistics stated in a 1996 report that 80 percent of all prisoners could not interpret a
bus schedule, understand a news article or warranty instructions, or read maps, schedules, or
payroll forms. Nor could they balance a checkbook. Forty percent could not calculate the cost of
a purchase.
Once upon a time we were a new nation that allowed ordinary citizens to learn how to read well
and encouraged them to read anything they thought would be useful. Close reading of
tough-minded writing is still the best, cheapest, and quickest method known for learning to think
for yourself. This invitation to commoners extended by America was the most revolutionary
pedagogy of all.
Reading, and rigorous discussion of that reading in a way that obliges you to formulate a position
and support it against objections, is an operational definition of education in its most fundamental
civilized sense. No one can do this very well without learning ways of paying attention: from a
knowledge of diction and syntax, figures of speech, etymology, and so on, to a sharp ability to
separate the primary from the subordinate, understand allusion, master a range of modes of
presentation, test truth, and penetrate beyond the obvious to the profound messages of text.
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Reading, analysis, and discussion are the way we develop reliable judgment, the principal way we
come to penetrate covert movements behind the facade of public appearances. Without the ability
to read and argue we're just geese to be plucked.
Just as experience is necessary to understand abstraction, so the reverse is true. Experience can
only be mastered by extracting general principles out of the mass of details. In the absence of a
perfect universal mentor, books and other texts are the best and cheapest stand-ins, always
available to those who know where to look. Watching details of an assembly line or a local
election unfold isn't very educational unless you have been led in careful ways to analyze the
experience. Reading is the skeleton key for all who lack a personal tutor of quality. 2
Reading teaches nothing more important than the state of mind in which you find yourself
absolutely alone with the thoughts of another mind, a matchless form of intimate rapport available
only to those with the ability to block out distraction and concentrate. Hence the urgency of
reading well if you read for power.
Once you trust yourself to go mind-to-mind with great intellects, artists, scientists, warriors, and
philosophers, you are finally free. In America, before we had forced schooling, an astordshing
range of unlikely people knew reading was like Samson's locks — something that could help make
them formidable, that could teach them their rights and how to defend those rights, could lead
them toward self-determination, free from intimidation by experts. These same unlikely people
knew that the power bestowed through reading could give them insight into the ways of the
human heart, so they would not be cheated or fooled so easily, and that it could provide an
inexhaustible store of useful knowledge — advice on how to do just about anything.
By 1812, Pierre DuPont was claiming that barely four in a thousand Americans were unable to
read well and that the young had skill in argumentation thanks to daily debates at the common
breakfast table. By 1820, there was even more evidence of Americans' avid reading habits, when
5 million copies of James Fenimore Cooper's complex and allusive novels were sold, along with
an equal number of Noah Webster's didactic Speller — to a population of dirt farmers under 20
million in size.
In 1835, Richard Cobden announced there was six times as much newspaper reading in the United
States as in England, and the census figures of 1840 gave fairly exact evidence that a sensational
reading revolution had taken place without any exhortation on the part of public moralists and
social workers, but because common people had the initiative and freedom to learn. In North
Carolina, the worst situation of any state surveyed, eight out of nine could still read and write.
In 1 853, Per Siljestromm, a Swedish visitor, wrote, "In no country in the world is the taste for
reading so diffuse as among the common people in America." The American Almanac observed
grandly, "Periodical publications, especially newspapers, disseminate knowledge throughout all
classes of society and exert an amazing influence in forming and giving effect to public opinion."
It noted the existence of over a thousand newspapers. In this nation of common readers, the
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spiritual longings of ordinary people shaped the public discourse. Ordinary people who could
read, though not privileged by wealth, power, or position, could see through the fraud of social
class or the even grander fraud of official expertise. That was the trouble.
In his book The New Illiterates, author Sam Blumenfeld gives us the best introduction to what
went wrong with reading in the United States. He also gives us insight into why learning to read
needn't be frustrating or futile. A typical letter from one of his readers boasts of her success in
imparting the alphabet code to four children under the age of five by the simple method of
practice with letter sounds. One day she found her three- year-old working his way through a
lesson alone at the kitchen table, reading S-am, Sam, m-an, man, and so on. Her verdict on the
process: "I had just taught him his letter sounds. He picked [the rest] up and did it himself. That's
how simple it is."
1 The critics of schooling who concentrate on fluctuations in standardized test scores to ground their case against
the institution are committing a gross strategic mistake for several reasons, the most obvious of which is that in
doing so they must first implicitly acknowledge the accuracy of such instruments in ranking every member of the
youth population against every other member, hence the justice of using such measures to allocate privileges and
rewards. An even larger folly occurs because the implicit validation of these tests by the attention of school critics
cedes the entire terrain of scientific pedagogy, armoring it against strong counter-measures by recruiting the
opposition, in effect, to support teaching to the test. The final folly lies in the ease with which these measures can
be rigged to produce whatever public effects are wanted.
2 In a fascinating current illustration of the power of books, black female tennis star Venus Williams' father
acknowledged in a press interview for the Toronto Globe that he had, indeed, set out to create a tennis millionaire
from his infant daughter even before her birth. Mr. Williams, who had no knowledge whatsoever of the game of
tennis, and who was reared in a poor home in the South by his single mother, had his ambition piqued by
witnessing a young woman on television receiving a $48,000 check for playing tennis successfully. At that moment
he proposed to his wife that they set out to make their unborn children tennis millionaires. How did he learn the
game? By reading books, he says, and renting videos. That, and common sense discipline, was all that Venus and
sister Serena needed to become millionaire teenagers.
The Sudbury Valley School
I know a school for kids ages three to eighteen that doesn't teach anybody to read, yet everyone
who goes there learns to do it, most very well. It's the beautiful Sudbury Valley School, twenty
miles west of Boston in the old Nathaniel Bowditch "cottage" (which looks suspiciously like a
mansion), a place ringed by handsome outbuildings, a private lake, woods, and acres of
magnificent grounds. Sudbury is a private school, but with a tuition under $4,000 a year it's
considerably cheaper than a seat in a New York City public school. At Sudbury kids teach
themselves to read; they learn at many different ages, even into the teen years (though that's rare).
When each kid is ready he or she self-instructs, if such a formal label isn't inappropriate for such a
natural undertaking. During this time they are free to request as much adult assistance as needed.
That usually isn't much.
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In thirty years of operation, Sudbury has never had a single kid who didn't learn to read. All this is
aided by a magnificent school library on open shelves where books are borrowed and returned on
the honor system. About 65 percent of Sudbury kids go on to good colleges. The place has never
seen a case of dyslexia. (That's not to say some kids don't reverse letters and such from time to
time, but such conditions are temporary and self-correcting unless institutionalized into a disease.)
So Sudbury doesn't even teach reading yet all its kids learn to read and even like reading. What
could be going on there that we don't understand?
Bootie Zimmer
The miracle woman who taught me to read was my mother, Bootie. Bootie never got a college
degree, but nobody despaired about that because daily life went right along then without too
many college graduates. Here was Bootie's scientific method: she would hold me on her lap and
read to me while she ran her finger under the words. That was it, except to read always with a
lively expression in her voice and eyes, to answer my questions, and from time to time to give me
some practice with different letter sounds. One thing more is important. For a long time we would
sing, "A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I, J, K, LMNOP..." and so on, every single day. We learned to
love each letter. She would read tough stories as well as easy ones. Truth is, I don't think she
could readily tell the difference any more than I could. The books had some pictures but only a
few; words made up the center of attention. Pictures have nothing at all to do with learning to
love reading, except too many of them will pretty much guarantee that it never happens.
Over fifty years ago my mother Bootie Zimmer chose to teach me to read well. She had no
degrees, no government salary, no outside encouragement, yet her private choice to make me a
reader was my passport to a good and adventurous life. Bootie, the daughter of a Bavarian
printer, said "Nuts!" to the Prussian system. She voted for her own right to decide, and for that I
will always be in her debt. She gave me a love of language and it didn't cost much. Anybody
could have the same, if schooling hadn't abandoned its duty so flagrantly.
False Premises
The religious purpose of modern schooling was announced clearly by the legendary University of
Wisconsin sociologist Edward A. Ross in 1901 in his famous book, Social Control. Your librarian
should be able to locate a copy for you without much trouble. In it Ed Ross wrote these words for
his prominent following: "Plans are underway to replace community, family, and church with
propaganda, education, and mass media. ...the State shakes loose from Church, reaches out to
School... People are only little plastic lumps of human dough." Social Control revolutionized the
discipline of sociology and had powerful effects on the other human sciences: in social science it
guided the direction of political science, economics, and psychology; in biology it influenced
genetics, eugenics, and psychobiology. It played a critical role in the conception and design of
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molecular biology.
There you have it in a nutshell. The whole problem with modern schooling. It rests on a nest of
false premises. People are not little plastic lumps of dough. They are not blank tablets as John
Locke said they were, they are not machines as de La Mettrie hoped, not vegetables as Friedrich
Froebel, inventor of kindergartens, hypothesized, not organic mechanisms as Wilhelm Wundt
taught every psychology department in America at the turn of the century, nor are they repertoires
of behaviors as Watson and Skinner wanted. They are not, as the new crop of systems thinkers
would have it, mystically harmonious microsystems interlocking with grand macrosystems in a
dance of atomic forces. I don't want to be crazy about this; locked in a lecture hall or a bull
session there's probably no more harm in these theories than reading too many Italian sonnets all
at one sitting. But when each of these suppositions is sprung free to serve as a foundation for
school experiments, it leads to frightfully oppressive practices.
One of the ideas that empty-child thinking led directly to was the notion that human breeding
could be enhanced or retarded as plant and animal breeding was — by scientific gardeners and
husbandmen. Of course, the time scale over which this was plotted to happen was quite long.
Nobody expected it to be like breeding fruit flies, but it was a major academic, governmental, and
even military item generously funded until Hitler's proactive program (following America's lead)
grew so embarrassing by 1939 that our own projects and plans were made more circumspect.
Back at the beginning of the twentieth century, the monstrously influential Edward Thorndike of
Columbia Teachers College said that school would establish conditions for "selective breeding
before the masses take things into their own hands." The religious purpose of modem schooling
was embarrassingly evident back when Ross and Thorndike were on center stage, but they were
surrounded by many like-minded friends. Another major architect of standardized testing, H.H.
Goddard, said in his book Human Efficiency (1920) that government schooling was about "the
perfect organization of the hive." He said standardized testing was a way to make lower classes
recognize their own inferiority. Like wearing a dunce cap, it would discourage them from
breeding and having ambition. Goddard was head of the Psychology Department at Princeton, so
imagine the effect he had on the minds of the doctoral candidates he coached, and there were
hundreds. We didn't leave the religious purpose of modern schooling back in the early years of
the century. In April of 1996, Al Shanker of the AFT said in his regular New York Times
split-page advertisement that every teacher was really a priest.
A System Of State Propaganda
Something strange is going on in schools and has been going on for quite some time. Whatever it
is does not arise from the main American traditions. As closely as I can track the thing through
the attitudes, practices, and stated goals of the shadowy crew who make a good living skulking
around educational "laboratories," think tanks, and foundations, we are experiencing an attempt,
successful so far, to reimpose the strong-state, strong social class attitudes of England and
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Germany on the United States — the very attitudes we threw off in the American Revolution. And
in this counter-revolution the state churches of England and Germany have been replaced by the
secular church of forced government schooling.
Advertising, public relations, and stronger forms of quasi-religious propaganda are so pervasive in
our schools, even in "alternative" schools, that independent judgment is suffocated in
mass-produced secondary experiences and market-tested initiatives. Lifetime Learning Systems,
one of the many new corporations formed to dig gold from our conditions of schooling,
announced to its corporate clients, "School is the ideal time to influence attitudes, build long-term
loyalties, introduce new products, test -market, promote sampling and trial usage — and above
all — to generate immediate sales."
Arnold Toynbee, the establishment's favorite historian in mid- twentieth-century America, said in
his monumental Study of History that the original promise of universal education had been
destroyed as soon as the school laws were passed, a destruction caused by "the possibility of
turning education to account as a means of amusement for the masses" and a means of "profit for
the enterprising persons by whom the amusement is purveyed." This opportunistic conversion
quickly followed mass schooling's introduction when fantastic profit potential set powerful forces
in motion:
The bread of universal education is no sooner cast upon the water than a shoal
of sharks arises from the depths and devours the children's bread under the
educator's very eyes.
In Toynbee's analysis "the dates speak for themselves":
The edifice of universal education was, roughly speaking, completed... in 1870;
and the Yellow Press was invented twenty years later — as soon, that is, as the
first generation of children from the national schools had acquired sufficient
purchasing power — by a stroke of irresponsible genius which had divined that
the educational labour of love could be made to yield a royal profit.
But vultures attending the inception of forced compulsion schooling attracted more ferocious
predators:
[The commercial institutions that set about at once to prey on forced mass schooling] attracted
the attention of the rulers of modern... national states. If press lords could make millions by
providing idle amusement for the half-educated, serious statesman could draw, not money
perhaps, but power from the same source. The modern dictators have deposed the press lords and
substituted for crude and debased private entertainment an equally crude and debased system of
state propaganda.
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The Ideology Of The Text
Looking back on the original period of school formation in her study of American history
textbooks, America Revised, Frances Fitzgerald remarked on the profound changes that emerged
following suggestions issued by sociologists and social thinkers in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. The original history of our institutions and the documents which protect our
unique liberties gradually began to be effaced. Fitzgerald raises the puzzle of textbook alteration:
The ideology that lies behind these texts is rather difficult to define.... it does not fit usual
political patterns. ...the texts never indicate any line of action.... authors avoid what they choose to
and some of them avoid main issues. ...they fail to develop any original ideas. ...they confuse social
sciences with science.... clouds of jargon.... leave out ideas.... historical names are given no
character, they are cipher people.... there are no conflicts, only "problems", [emphasis added]
Indeed, the texts may be unfathomable, and that may be the editorial intent.
The National Adult Literacy Survey
In 1982, Anthony Oettinger, a member of the private discussion group called the Council on
Foreign Relations, asked an audience of communications executives this question: "Do we really
have to have everybody literate — writing and reading in the traditional sense — when we have
means through our technology to achieve a new flowering of oral communication?" Oettinger
suggested "our idea of literacy" is "obsolete." Eighty-three years earlier John Dewey had written
in "The Primary Education Fetish" that "the plea for the predominance of learning to read in early
school life because of the great importance attaching to literature seems to be a perversion."
For the balance of this discussion I'm going to step into deeper water, first reviewing what
reading in a Western alphabet really means and what makes it a reasonably easy skill to transmit
or to self-teach, and then tackling what happened to deprive the ordinary person of the ability to
manage it very well. I want to first show you how, then answer the more speculative question
why.
The National Adult Literacy Survey represents 190 million U.S. adults over age sixteen with an
average school attendance of 12.4 years. The survey is conducted by the Educational Testing
Service of Princeton, New Jersey. It ranks adult Americans into five levels. Here is its 1993
analysis:
1. Forty-two million Americans over the age of sixteen can't read. Some of this group can
write their names on Social Security cards and fill in height, weight, and birth spaces on
application forms.
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2. Fifty million can recognize printed words on a fourth- and fifth-grade level. They cannot
write simple messages or letters.
3. Fifty-five to sixty million are limited to sixth-, seventh-, and eighth-grade reading. A
majority of this group could not figure out the price per ounce of peanut butter in a
20-ounce jar costing $1 .99 when told they could round the answer off to a whole
number.
4. Thirty million have ninth- and tenth-grade reading proficiency. This group (and all
preceding) cannot understand a simplified written explanation of the procedures used by
attorneys and judges in selecting juries.
5. About 3.5 percent of the 26,000-member sample demonstrated literacy skills adequate
to do traditional college study, a level 30 percent of all U.S. high school students
reached in 1940, and which 30 percent of secondary students in other developed
countries can reach today. This last fact alone should warn you how misleading
comparisons drawn from international student competitions really are, since the samples
each country sends are small elite ones, unrepresentative of the entire student
population. But behind the bogus superiority a real one is concealed.
6. Ninety-six and a half percent of the American population is mediocre to illiterate where
deciphering print is concerned. This is no commentary on their intelligence, but without
ability to take in primary information from print and to interpret it they are at the mercy
of commentators who tell them what things mean. A working definition of immaturity
might include an excessive need for other people to interpret information for us.
Certainly it's possible to argue that bad readers aren't victims at all but perpetrators, cursed by
inferior biology to possess only shadows of intellect. That's what bell-curve theory, evolutionary
theory, aristocratic social theory, eugenics theory, strong-state political theory, and some kinds of
theology are about. All agree most of us are inferior, if not downright dangerous. The integrity of
such theoretical outlooks — at least where reading was concerned — took a stiff shot on the chin
from America. Here, democratic practice allowed a revolutionary generation to learn how to read.
Those granted the opportunity took advantage of it brilliantly.
Name Sounds, Not Things
So how was the murder of American reading ability pulled off? I'll tell you in a second, but come
back first to classical Greece where the stupendous invention of the alphabet by Phoenicians was
initially understood. The Phoenicians had an alphabetic language used to keep accounts, but the
Greeks were the first to guess correctly that revolutionary power could be unleashed by
transcending mere lists, using written language for the permanent storage of analysis, exhortation,
visions, and other things. After a period of experiment the Greeks came up with a series of letters
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to represent sounds of their language. Like the Phoenicians, they recognized the value of naming
each letter in a way distinct from its sound value — as every human being has a name distinct from
his or her personality, as numbers have names for reference.
Naming sounds rather than things was the breakthrough! While the number of things to be
pictured is impossibly large, the number of sounds is strictly limited. In English, for example, most
people recognize only forty- four. 1
The problem, which American families once largely solved for themselves, is this: in English, a
Latin alphabet has been imposed on a Germanic language with multiple non-Germanic
borrowings, and it doesn't quite fit. Our 44 sounds are spelled 400+ different ways. That sounds
horrible, but in reality in the hands of even a mediocre teacher, it's only annoying; in the hands of
a good one, a thrilling challenge. Actually, 85 percent of the vast word stock of English can be
read with knowledge of only 70 of the phonograms. A large number of the remaining irregularities
seldom occur and can be remastered on an as- needed basis. Meanwhile a whole armory of
mnemonic tricks like "If a 'c' I chance to spy, place the 'e' before the 'i'" exists to get new
readers over the common humps. Inexpensive dictionaries, spell-check typewriters, computers,
and other technology are readily available these days to silently coach the fearful, but in my
experience, that "fear" is neither warranted nor natural. Instead, it is engendered. Call it good
business practice.
Also, communicating abstractions in picture language is a subtlety requiring more time and
training to master than is available for most of us. Greeks now could organize ambitious concepts
abstractly in written language, communicating accurately with each other over space and time
much more readily than their competitors.
According to Mitford Mathews: 2
The secret of their phenomenal advance was in their conception of the nature
of a word. They reasoned that words were sounds or combinations of
ascertainable sounds, and they held inexorably to the basic proposition that
writing, properly executed, was a guide to sound, reading. A number of other
good treatments are available for the newcomer.
Learning sound-sight correspondences comes first in an alphabetic language. Competence with
the entire package of sounds corresponding to alphabet symbols comes quickly. After that
anything can be read and its meaning inquired after. The substantial speaking vocabulary kids
bring to school (6,000 — 10,000 words) can now be read at once, and understood.
When the Romans got the alphabet through the Etruscans they lost the old letter names so they
invented new ones making them closer to the letter sounds. That was a significant mistake which
causes confusion in novice readers even today. Through conquest the Latin alphabet spread to the
languages of Europe; Rome's later mutation into the Universal Christian Church caused Latin, the
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language of church liturgy, to flow into every nook and cranny of the former empire.
The Latin alphabet was applied to the English language by Christian missionaries in the seventh
century. While it fused with spoken English this was far from a perfect fit. There were no single
letters to stand for certain sounds. Scribes had to scramble to combine letters to approximate
sounds that had no companion letter. This matching process was complicated over centuries by
repeated borrowings from other languages and by certain massive sound shifts which still occupy
scholars in trying to explain.
Before the spread of printing in the sixteenth century, not being able to read wasn't much of a big
deal. There wasn't much to read. The principal volume available was the Bible, from which
appropriate bits were read aloud by religious authorities during worship and on ceremonial
occasions. Available texts were in Latin or Greek, but persistent attempts to provide translations
was a practice thought to contain much potential for schism. An official English Bible, the
Authorized King James Version, appeared in 161 1, preempting all competitors in a bold stroke
which changed popular destiny.
Instantly, the Bible became a universal textbook, offering insights both delicate and powerful, a
vibrant cast of characters, brilliant verbal pyrotechnics and more to the humblest rascal who could
read. Talk about a revolutionary awakening for ordinary people! The Bible was it, thanks to the
dazzling range of models it provided in the areas of exegesis, drama, politics, psychology,
characterization, plus the formidable reading skills it took to grapple with the Bible. A little more
than three decades after this translation, the English king was deposed and beheaded. The
connection was direct. Nothing would ever be the same again because too many good readers had
acquired the proclivity of thinking for themselves.
The magnificent enlargement of imagination and voice that the Bible's exceptional catalogue of
language and ideas made available awakened in ordinary people a powerful desire to read in order
to read the Holy Book without a priest's mediation. Strenuous efforts were made to discourage
this, but the Puritan Revolution and Cromwell's interregnum sent literacy surging. Nowhere was
it so accelerated as in the British colonies in North America, a place already far removed from the
royal voice.
Printing technology emerged. Like the computer in our own day, it was quickly incorporated into
every corner of daily life. But there were still frequent jailings, whippings, and confiscations for
seditious reading as people of substance came to realize how dangerous literacy could be.
Reading offered many delights. Cravings to satisfy curiosity about this Shakespeare fellow or to
dabble in the musings of Lord Bacon or John Locke were now not difficult to satisfy. Spelling and
layout were made consistent. Before long, prices of books dropped. All this activity intensified
pressure on illiterate individuals to become literate. The net result of printing (and Protestantism,
which urged communicants to go directly to the Word, eliminating the priestly middleman),
stimulated the spread of roving teachers and small proprietary and church schools. A profession
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arose to satisfy demand for a popular way to understand what uses to make of books, and from
this a demand to understand many things.
1 The "problem" with English phonics has been wildly exaggerated, sometimes by sincere people but most often by
those who make a living as guides through the supposed perils of learning to read. These latter constitute a vast
commercial empire with linkages among state education departments, foundations, publishers, authors of school
readers, press, magazines, education journals, university departments of education, professional organizations,
teachers, reading specialists, local administrators, local school boards, various politicians who facilitate the process
and the U.S. offices of education, defense and labor.
2 Mitford Mathews, Teaching to Read Historically Considered (1966). A brief, intelligent history of reading. A
number of other good treatments are available for the newcomer.
The Meatgrinder Classroom
The first schoolman to seriously challenge what is known today as phonics was Friedrich Gedike,
a disciple of Rousseau, director of a well-known gymnasium in Prussia. In 1791 he published the
world's first look/say primer, A Children's Reader Without the ABC's and Spelling. The idea was
to eliminate drill. Kids would learn through pictures following suggestions the legendary mystic
and scholar Comenius set down in his famous Orbis Pictus of 1657.
After a brief splash and three editions, the fashion vanished for an excellent reason: As good as it
sounds in theory, it doesn't work well at all in practice (although here and there exceptions are
encountered and infuriatingly enough it can seem to work in the early years of first and second
grade). Soon after that the rapidly developing reading power in phonetically trained children
makes them capable of recognizing in print their entire speaking and listening vocabulary, while
look/ say trained readers can read without error only the words they have memorized as whole
shapes, a relative handful.
This is devilishly complex terrain. Gedike' s theory held that when enough words are ingested and
recognized, the student can figure out for himself the seventy key phonograms of the English
language. Indeed this is the only credible explanation which could account for the well-known
phenomenon of children who teach themselves to read handily without the use of any system at
all. I have no doubt children occasionally learn to read this way. Yet if true, how do we account
for the grotesque record of whole- word instruction for over a century and a half in every
conceivable school setting?
Money, time, attention, and caring adults in profusion, all have been available to make this
alternative method work to teach reading proficiency, yet its record in competition with the
old-fashioned alphabet system is horrifying. What might account for this?
I have a hunch based on a decade of ruminating. Since no one has yet bothered to assemble a
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large group of self-taught good readers to ask them how it happened, let my hunch serve as a
working hypothesis for you to chew upon at your leisure. Consider first the matter of time. The
average five-year-old can master all of the seventy phonograms in six weeks. At that point he can
readjust about anything fluently. Can he understand everything? No, of course not. But also, no
synthetic barrier to understanding is being interposed by weird-looking words to be memorized
whole, either. Paulo Freire taught ignorant campesinos with no tradition of literacy at all to read
in thirty hours. They were adults, with different motivations than children, but when he showed
them a sentence and they realized it said "The land belongs to the tiller," they were hooked.
That's Jesuit savvy for you.
Back to this matter of time. By the end of the fourth grade, phonics-trained students are at ease
with an estimated 24,000 words. Whole-word trained students have memorized about 1,600
words and can successfully guess at some thousands more, but also unsuccessfully guess at
thousands, too. One reigning whole-word expert has called reading "a psycho linguistic guessing
game" in which the reader is not extracting the writer's meaning but constructing a meaning of his
own.
While there is an attractive side to this that is ignored by critics of whole language (and I number
myself among these), the value doesn't begin to atone for the theft of priceless reading time and
guided practice. As long as whole-language kids are retained in a hothouse environment, shielded
from linguistic competition, things seem idyllic, but once mixed together with phonetically trained
kids of similar age and asked to avail themselves of the intellectual treasure locked up in words,
the result is not so pretty. Either the deficient kid must retreat from the field with a whopping
sense of inferiority, or, worse, he must advance aggressively into the fray, claiming books are
overrated, that thinking and judgment are merely matters of opinion. The awful truth is that
circumstances hardly give us the luxury of testing Gedike's hypothesis about kids being able to
deduce the rules of language from a handful of words. Humiliation makes mincemeat of most of
them long before the trial is fairly joined.
So, the second hunch I have is that where whole-word might work when it works at all is in a
comfortable, protected environment without people around to laugh derisively at the many
wretched mistakes you must make on the way to becoming a Columbus of language. But in case
you hadn't noticed, schools aren't safe places for the young to guess at the meanings of things.
Only an imbecile would pretend that school isn't a pressure-cooker of psychodrama. Wherever
children are gathered into groups by compulsion, a pecking order soon emerges in which malice,
mockery, intimidation of the weak, envy, and a whole range of other nasty characteristics hold
sway, like that famous millpond of Huxley's, whose quiet surface mirroring fall foliage conceals a
murderous subterranean world whose law is eat or be eaten.
That's melodramatic, I suppose, yet thirty classroom years and a decade more as a visitor in
hundreds of other schools have shown me what a meatgrinder the peaceful classroom really is.
Bill is wondering whether he will be beaten again on the way to the lunchroom; Molly is paralyzed
with fear that the popular Jean will make loud fun of her prominent teeth; Ronald is digging the
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point of a sharpened pencil into the neck of Herbert who sits in front of him, all the while
whispering he will get Herb good if he gets Ron in trouble with the teacher; Alan is snapping a
rubber band at Flo; Ralph is about to call Leonard "trailer park trash" for the three-hundredth time
that day, not completely clear he knows what it means, yet enjoying the anguish it brings to
Leonard's face; Greta, the most beautiful girl in the room, is practicing ogling shyer boys, then
cutting them dead when she evokes any hopeful smiles in response; Willie is slowly shaken down
for a dollar by Phil; and Mary's single mom has just received an eviction notice.
Welcome to another day in an orderly, scientific classroom. Teacher may have a permanent
simper pasted on her face, but it's deadly serious, the world she presides over, a bad place to play
psycholinguistic guessing games which involve sticking one's neck out in front of classmates as
the rules of language are empirically derived. A method that finds mistakes to be "charming stabs
in the right direction" may be onto something person-to-person or in the environment of a loving
home, but it's dynamically unsuited to the forge of forced schooling.
The Ignorant Schoolmaster
After Gedike, the next innovator to hit on a reading scheme was Jean Joseph Jacotot, a grand
genius, much misunderstood. A professor of literature at nineteen, Jacotot discovered a method of
teaching nonspeakers of French the French language beginning not with primers but with
Fenelon's Telemachus. Jacotot read aloud slowly while students followed his reading in a dual
translation — to their own familiar language and to Fenelon's spoken French. Then the process
was repeated. After the group reading, each student individually dismantled the entire book into
parts, into smaller parts, into paragraphs, into sentences, into words, and finally into letters and
sounds. This followed the "natural" pattern of scientists it was thought, beginning with wholes,
and reducing them to smaller and smaller elements.
Jacotot has a reputation as a whole -word guru, but any resemblance to contemporary whole-
word reading in Jacotot is illusion. His method shifts the burden for analysis largely from the
shoulders of the teacher to the student. The trappings of holistic noncompetitiveness are
noticeably absent. Penalty for failure in his class was denial of advancement. Everyone succeeded
in Jacotot 's system, but then, his students were highly motivated, self-selected volunteers, all of
college age.
From Jacotot we got the idea anybody can teach anything. His was the concept of the ignorant
schoolmaster. It should surprise no one that the ideas of Jacotot interested Prussians who brought
his system back to Germany and modified it for younger children. For them, however, a book
seemed too impractical a starting point, perhaps a sentence would be better or a single word.
Eventually it was the latter settled upon. Was this the genesis of whole-word teaching which
eventually dealt American reading ability a body blow?
The answer is a qualified No. In the German "normal word" method the whole -word was not
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something to be memorized but a specimen of language to be analyzed into syllables. The single
word was made a self-conscious vehicle for learning letters. Once letter sounds were known,
reading instruction proceeded traditionally. To a great extent, this is the method my German
mother used with my sister and me to teach us to read fluently before we ever saw first grade.
Frank Had A Dog; His Name Was Spot
Two flies now enter the reading ointment in the persons of Horace Mann and his second wife,
Mary Peabody. There is raw material here for a great intrigue novel: in the early 1830s, a minister
in Hartford, Thomas Gallaudet, invented a sight-reading, look-say method to use with the deaf.
Like Jacotot, Gallaudet was a man of unusual personal force and originality. He served as director
at the asylum for the education of the deaf and dumb in Hartford. Deaf mutes couldn't learn a
sound-symbol system, it was thought, so Gallaudet devised a sight-reading vocabulary of fifty
whole-words which he taught through pictures. Then his deaf students learned a manual alphabet
which permitted them to indicate letters with their fingers and communicate with others.
Even in light of the harm he inadvertently caused, it's hard not to be impressed by Gallaudet. In
Gallaudet' s system, writing transmuted from a symbolic record of sounds to a symbolic record of
pictures. Gallaudet had reinvented English as ancient Babylonian! One of his former teachers,
William Woodbridge, then editor of the American Annals of Education, received a long, detailed
letter in which Gallaudet described his flash-card method and demanded that education be
regarded as a science like chemistry: "Mind, like matter, can be made subject to experiment." Fifty
words could be learned by memory before introducing the alphabet. By removing the "dull and
tedious" normal method, great interest "has [been] excited in the mind of the little learner."
Historically, three important threads run together here: 1) that learning should be scientific, and
learning places a laboratory; 2) that words be learned ideographically; 3) that relieving boredom
and tedium should be an important goal of pedagogy. Each premise was soon pushed to extremes.
These themes institutionalized would ultimately require a vast bureaucracy to enforce. But all this
lay in the future.
Gallaudet had adopted the point of view of a deaf-mute who had to make his way without
assistance from sound to spoken language. Samuel Blumenfeld's analysis of what was wrong in
this is instructive:
It led to serious confusions in Gallaudet' s thinking concerning two very
different processes; that of learning to speak one's native language and that of
learning to read it. In teaching the deaf to read by sight he was also teaching
them language by sight for the first time. They underwent two learning
processes, not one. But a normal child came to school already with the
knowledge of several thousand words in his speaking vocabulary, with a much
greater intellectual development which the sense of sound afforded him. In
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learning to read it was not necessary to teach him what he already knew, to
repeat the process of learning to speak. The normal child did not learn his
language by learning to read. He learned to read in order to help him expand
his use of the language.
In 1830, Gallaudet published The Child's Picture Defining and Reading Book, a book for children
with normal hearing, seeking to generalize his method to all. In its preface, the book sets down for
the first time basic whole-word protocols. Words will be taught as representing objects and ideas,
not as sounds represented by letters.
He who controls language controls the public mind, a concept well understood by Plato. Indeed,
the manipulation of language was at the center of curriculum at the Collegia of Rome, in the
Jesuit academies, and the private schools maintained for children of the influential classes; it made
up an important part of the text of Machiavelli; it gave rise to the modern arts and sciences of
advertising and public relations. The whole-word method, honorably derived and employed by
men like Gallaudet, was at the same time a tool to be used by any regime or interest with a stake
in limiting the growth of intellect.
Gallaudet's primer, lost to history, was published in 1836. One year later, the Boston School
Committee was inaugurated under the direction of Horace Mann. Although no copies of the
primer have survived, Blumenfeld tells us, "From another source we know that its first line was,
Frank had a dog; his name was Spot." On August 2, 1836, Gallaudet's primer was adopted by the
Boston Primary School Committee on an experimental basis. A year later a report was issued
pronouncing the method a success on the basis of speed in learning when compared to the
alphabet system, and of bringing a "pleasant tone" to the classroom by removing "the old
unintelligible, and irksome mode of teaching certain arbitrary marks, or letters, by certain arbitrary
sounds."
A sight vocabulary is faster to learn than letters and phonograms, but the gain is a Trojan horse;
only after several years have passed does the sight reader's difficulty learning words from outside
sources begin to become apparent. By that time conditions made pressing by the social situation
of the classroom and demands from the world at large combine to make it hard to retrace the
ground lost.
Mann endorsed Gallaudet's primer in his Second Annual Report (1838). His endorsement,
Gallaudet's general fame and public adulation, erroneous reports circulating at the time that
mighty Prussia was using a whole- word system, and possibly the prospect of fame and a little
profit, caused Mann's own wife, Mary Tyler Peabody — whose family names were linked to a
network of powerful families up and down the Eastern seaboard — to write a whole-word primer.
The Mann family was only one of a host of influential voices being raised against the traditional
reading instructions in the most literate nation on earth. In Woodbridge's Annals of Education, a
steady tattoo was directed against spelling and the alphabet method.
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By the time of the Gallaudet affair, both Manns were under the spell of phrenology, a now
submerged school of psychology and the brainchild of a German physician. Francois Joseph Gall,
in working with the insane, had become convinced he had located the physical site of personality
traits like love, benevolence, acquisitiveness, and many more. He could provide a map of their
positions inside the skull! These faculties signaled their presence, said Gall, by making bumps on
the visible exterior of the cranium. The significance of this to the future of reading is that among
Gall's claims was: too much reading causes insanity. The Manns agreed.
One of Gall's converts was a Scottish lawyer named George Combe. On October 8, 1 838, Mann
wrote in his diary that he had met "the author of that extraordinary book The Constitution of
Man, the doctrines of which will work the same change in metaphysical science that Lord Bacon
wrought in natural." The book was Combe's. Suddenly the Mann project to downgrade reading
acquired a psychological leg to accompany the political, social, economic, and religious legs it
already possessed. Unlike other arguments against enlightenment of ordinary people — all of which
invoked one or another form of class interest — what psychological phrenology offered was a
scientific argument based on the supposed best interests of the child. Thus a potent weapon fell
into pedagogy's hands which would not be surrendered after phrenology was discredited. If one
psychology could not convince, another might. By appearing to avoid any argument from special
interest, the scientific case took the matter of who should learn what out of the sphere of partisan
politics into a loftier realm of altruism.
Meanwhile Combe helped Mann line up his great European tour of 1843, which was to result in
the shattering Seventh Report to the Boston School Committee of 1844. (The Sixth had been a
plea to phrenologize classrooms!) This new report said: "I am satisfied our greatest error in
teaching children to read lies in beginning with the alphabet." Mann was attempting to commit
Massachusetts children to the hieroglyphic system of Gallaudet. The result was an outcry from
Boston's schoolmasters, a battle that went on in the public press for many months culminating (on
the schoolmaster's side) in this familiar lament:
Education is a great concern; it has often been tampered with by vain theorists;
it has suffered from the stupid folly and the delusive wisdom of its treacherous
friends; and we hardly know which have injured it most. Our conviction is that
it has much more to hope from the collected wisdom and common prudence of
the community than from the suggestions of the individual. Locke injured it by
his theories, and so did Rousseau, and so did Milton. All their plans were too
splendid to be true. It is to be advanced by conceptions, neither soaring above
the clouds, nor groveling on the earth — but by those plain, gradual, productive,
common sense improvements, which use may encourage and experience
suggest. We are in favor of advancement, provided it be towards usefulness....
We love the secretary but we hate his theories. They stand in the way of substantial education. It
is impossible for a sound mind not to hate them.
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The Pedagogy Of Literacy
Between Mann's death and the great waves of Italian immigration after the 1870s, the country
seemed content with McGuffey readers, Webster Spelling Books, Pilgrim's Progress, the Bible,
and the familiar alphabet method for breaking the sound code. But beginning about the year 1880
with the publication of Francis W. Parker's Supplementary Reading for Primary Schools (and his
Talks on Pedagogics, 1883), a new attack on reading was mounted.
Parker was a loud, affable, flamboyant teacher with little academic training himself, a man forced
to resign as principal of a Chicago teachers college in 1899 for reasons not completely honorable.
Shortly thereafter, at the age of sixty-two, he was suddenly selected to head the School of
Education at Rockefeller's new University of Chicago, 1 a university patterned after great German
research establishments like Heidelberg, Berlin, and Leipzig.
As supervisor of schools in Boston in a former incarnation, Parker had asserted boldly that
learning to read was learning a vocabulary which can be instantly recalled as ideas when certain
symbolic signposts are encountered. Words are learned, he said, by repeated acts of association of
the word with the idea it represents.
Parker originated the famous Quincy Movement, the most recognizable starting point for
progressive schooling. Its reputation rested on four ideas: 1) group activities in which the
individual is submerged for the good of the collective; 2) emphasis on the miracles of science (as
opposed to traditional classical studies of history, philosophy, literature); 3) informal instruction in
which teacher and student dress casually, call each other by first names, treat all priorities as very
flexible, etc; 4) the elimination of harsh discipline as psychologically damaging to children.
Reading was not stressed in Parker schools.
Parker's work and that of other activists antagonistic to reading received a giant forward push in
1885 from one of the growing core of America's new "psychologists" who had studied with
Wilhelm Wundt at Leipzig. James McKeen Cattell boldly announced he had proven, using the
tachistoscope, that we read whole words and not letters. Cattell' s lusty ambition resounds in his
cry of triumph:
These results are important enough to prove those to be wrong who hold with
Kant that psychology can never become an exact science.
Until 1965 no one bothered to check Cattell's famous experiment with the tachistoscope. When
they did, it was found Cattell had been dead wrong. People read letters, not words.
It was out of the cauldron of Columbia Teachers College that the most ferocious advocate of
whole-word therapy came: Edward Burke Huey was his name, his mentor, G. Stanley Hall. In
1908 they published an influential book, The Psychology and Pedagogy of Reading, which laid
out the revolution in away that sent a message of bonanzas to come to the new educational book
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publishing industry. Publishing was a business just beginning to reap fantastic profits from
contracts with the new factory schools. Centralized management was proving a pot of gold for
lucky book contractors in big cities. The message was this: "Children should be taught to read
English as if it were Chinese: ideographically."
Huey was even more explicit: he said children learned to read too well and too early and that was
bad for them:
He must not, by reading adult grammatical and logical forms, begin exercises in
mental habits which will violate his childhood.
As Blumenfeld (to whom I owe much of the research cited here) explains, Huey concocted a
novel justification based on Darwinian evolution for jettisoning the alphabet system:
The history of the language in which picture-writing was long the main means
of written communication has here a wealth of suggestions for the framers of
the new primary course. It is not from mere perversity that the boy chalks or
carves his records on a book and desk.... There is here a correspondence with,
if not a direct recapitulation of the life of the race; and we owe it to the child to
encourage his living through the best there is in this pictography stage....
1 Mrs. Anita McCormick Blaine, daughter of the inventor of the harvesting machine, became his patron, purchasing
the College of Education for him with a contribution of $1 million.
Dick And Jane
As many before him, Huey missed entirely the brilliant Greek insight that reading and
understanding are two different things. Good reading is the fluent and effortless cracking of the
symbol-sound code which puts understanding within easy reach. Understanding is the translation
of that code into meaning.
It is for many people a natural and fairly harmless mistake. Since they read for meaning, the
code-cracking step is forgotten. Forgotten, that is, by those who read well. For others,
self-disgust and despair engendered by halting progress in decoding sounds sets into play a fatal
chain of circumstances which endangers the relationship to print for a long time, sometimes
wrecking it forever. If decoding is a painful effort, filled with frustrating errors, finally a point is
reached when the reader says, in effect, to the devil with it.
Another piece of dangerous philosophy is concealed inside whole-word practice — the notion that
a piece of writing is only an orange one squeezes in order to extract something called meaning,
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some bit of data. The sheer luxury of putting your mind in contact with the greatest minds of
history across time and space, feeling the rhythm of their thought, the sallies and retreats, the
marshaling of evidence, the admixture of humor or beauty of observation and many more
attributes of the power and value language possesses, has something in common with being
coached by Bill Walsh in football or Toscanini in orchestra conducting. How these men say what
they say is as important as the translating their words into your own. The music of language is
what poetry and much rhetoric are about, the literal meaning often secondary. Powerful speech
depends on this understanding.
By 1920, the sight- word method was being used in new wave progressive schools. In 1927,
another professor at Columbia Teachers College, Arthur Gates, laid the foundation for his own
personal fortune by writing a book called The Improvement of Reading, which purported to
muster thirty-one experimental studies proving that sight reading was superior to phonics. All
these studies are either trivial or highly ambiguous at best and at times, in a practice widely
encountered throughout higher education research in America, Gates simply draws the
conclusions he wants from facts which clearly lead elsewhere.
But his piece de resistance is a comparison of first-grade deaf pupils tutored in the whole- word
method with Detroit first graders. The scores of the two groups are almost identical, causing
Gates to declare this a most convincing demonstration. Yet it had been well known for almost a
century that deaf children taught with a method created expressly for deaf children only gain a
temporary advantage which disappears quickly. In spite of this cautionary detail Gates called this
"conclusive proof that normal children taught this way would improve even faster!
Shortly after the book's publication, Arthur Gates was given the task of authoring Macmillan's
basal reader series, a pure leap into whole-word method by the most prestigious education
publisher of them all. Macmillan was a corporation with wide-reaching contacts able to enhance
an author's career. In 193 1, Gates contributed to the growth of a new reading industry by writing
an article for Parents magazine, "New Ways of Teaching Reading." Parents were told to abandon
any residual loyalty they might have to the barren, formal older method and to embrace the new as
true believers. A later article by a Gates associate was expressly tailored for "those parents
concerned because children do not know their letters." It explained that "the modern approach to
reading" eliminated the boredom of code-cracking.
With its finger in the wind, Scott, Foresman, the large educational publisher, ordered a revision of
its Elson Basic Readers drawn on the traditional method, a series which had sold 50 million copies
to that date. To head up the mighty project, the publisher brought in William S. Gray, dean of the
University of Chicago College of Education, to write its all new whole-word pre-primer and
primer books, a series marking the debut of two young Americans who would change millions of
minds into mush during their long tenure in school classrooms. Their names were Dick and Jane.
After Gates and Gray, most major publishers fell into line with other whole-word series and in the
words of Rudolf Flesch, "inherited the kingdom of American education," with its fat royalties.
Blumenfeld does the student of American schooling a great service when he compares this
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original 1930 Dick and Jane with its 1951 successor:
"In 1930, the Dick and Jane Pre-Primer taught 68 sign words in 39 pages of story text, with an
illustration per page, a total of 565 words — and a Teacher's Guidebook of 87 pages. In 195 1, the
same book was expanded to 172 pages with 184 illustrations, a total of 2,603 words — and a
Guidebook of 182 pages to teach a sight vocabulary of only 58 words!" Without admitting any
disorder, the publisher was protecting itself from this system, and the general public, without quite
knowing why, was beginning to look at its schools with unease.
By 195 1, entire public school systems were bailing out on phonics and jumping on the
sight-reading bandwagon. Out of the growing number of reading derelicts poised to begin tearing
the schools apart which tormented them, a giant remedial reading industry was spawned, a new
industry completely in the hands of the very universities who had with one hand written the new
basal readers, and with the other taught a generation of new teachers about the wonders of the
whole-word method.
Mute evidence that Scott, Foresman wasn't just laughing all the way to the bank, but was actively
trying to protect its nest egg in Dick and Jane, was its canny multiplication of words intended to
be learned. In 1930, the word look was repeated 8 times; in 1951, 1 10 times; in the earlier version
oh repeats 12 times, in the later 138 times; in the first, see gets 27 repetitions, and in the second,
176. 1
The legendary children's book author, Dr. Seuss, creator of a string of best-sellers using a
controlled "scientific" vocabulary supplied by the publisher, demonstrated his own awareness of
the mindlessness of all this in an interview he gave in 1981:
I did it for a textbook house and they sent me a word list. That was due to the
Dewey revolt in the twenties, in which they threw out phonics reading and
went to a word recognition as if you're reading a Chinese pictograph instead of
blending sounds or different letters. I think killing phonics was one of the
greatest causes of illiteracy in the country.
Anyway they had it all worked out that a healthy child at the age of four can
only learn so many words in a week. So there were two hundred and
twenty-three words to use in this book. I read the list three times and I almost
went out of my head. I said, " I'll read it once more and if I can find two words
that rhyme, that'll be the title of my book." I found "cat" and "hat" and said,
the title of my book will be The Cat in the Hat.
For the forty-one months beginning in January of 1929 and concluding in June of 1932, there
were eighty-eight articles written in various pedagogical journals on the subject of reading
difficulties and remedial teaching; in the forty-one months beginning in July of 1935 and
concluding in December of 1938, the number rose almost 200 percent to 239. The first effects of
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the total victory of whole-word reading philosophy were being reflected in academic journals as
the once mighty reading Samson of America was led eyeless to Gaza with the rest of the slaves.
1 1955 proved to be a year of great frustration to the reading combine because of the publication of Rudolf
Flesch's hostile Why Johnny Can't Read, which precisely analyzed the trouble and laid it at the doorstep of the
reading establishment. The book was a hot seller for over a year, continuing to reverberate through the reading
world for a long time thereafter. In 1956, 56,000 reading professionals formed a look/say defense league called the
International Reading Association. It published three journals as bibles of enthusiasm: The Reading Teacher, The
Journal of Reading, The Reading Research Quarterly. Between 1961 and 1964, a new generation of academics
shape-shifted look/say into psycholinguistics under the leadership of Frank Smith, an excellent writer when not
riding his hobby horse, and Kenneth and Yetta Goodman, senior authors at Scott, Foresman who had been widely
quoted as calling reading "a psycholinguistic guessing game." From 1911 to 1981, there were 124 legitimate
studies attempting to prove Cattell and the other whole-word advocates right. Not a single one confirmed
whole-word reading as effective.
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Chapter 4
I Quit, I Think...
The master 's face goes white, then red. His mouth tightens and opens
and spit flies everywhere....
What will I do, boys?
Flog the boy, sir.
Till?
Till the blood spurts, sir.
— Frank McCourt, Angela's Ashes.
Writing of Ireland's schools as
they were in the 1940s.
Wadleigh, The Death School
One day after spending nearly my entire life inside a school building as student and teacher, I quit.
But not before I saw some things you ought to know. McCourt is right, spit flies everywhere in
the classroom and school, children mock us because of it. The smell of saliva. I had forgotten until
I returned as a teacher. Put the cosmic aspect aside and come back again into school with me. See
it from the inside with grownup eyes.
On my first day back to school I was hired to substitute in a horrible place, Wadleigh Junior High
School, nicknamed "the death school" by regulars at the West End Tavern near Columbia. Jean
Stapleton (Archie Bunker's wife, Edith) had gone there as a young girl; so had Anais Nin,
celebrated diarist and writer of erotica. Some palace revolution long before I got there had altered
the nature of this school from an earnest, respectable Victorian lock-up to something
indescribable. During my teaching debut at Wadleigh, I was attacked by a student determined to
bash my brains out with a chair.
Wadleigh was located three blocks from that notorious 1 10th Street corner in Harlem made
famous by a bestseller of the day, New York Confidential, which called it "the most dangerous
intersection in America." I mention danger as the backdrop of my teaching debut because two
kinds of peril were in the air that season: one, phony as my teaching license, was the "Cuban
Missile Crisis"; the other, only too genuine, was a predicament without any possible solution, a
deadly brew compounded from twelve hundred black teenagers penned inside a gloomy brick pile
for six hours a day, with a white guard staff misnamed "faculty" manning the light towers and
machine-gun posts. This faculty was charged with dribbling out something called "curriculum" to
inmates, a gruel so thin Wadleigh might rather have been a home for the feeble-minded than a
place of education.
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My own motive in being there was a personal quest. I was playing hooky from my real job as a
Madison Avenue ad writer flogging cigarettes and shaving cream, a fraternity boy's dream job.
Not a single day without Beefeater Martinis, then the preferred ad man's tipple, not a morning
without headache, not a single professional achievement worth the bother. I was hardly a moralist
in those days, but I wasn't a moron either. Thoughts of a future composed of writing fifty words
or so a week, drunk every day, hunting sensation every night, had begun to make me nervous.
Sitting around the West End one weekend I decided to see what schoolteaching was like.
Harlem then was an ineffable place where the hip white in-crowd played in those last few
moments before the fires and riots of the 1960s broke out. Black and white still pretended it was
the same high-style Harlem of WWII years, but a new awareness was dawning among teenagers.
Perhaps Mama had been sold a bill of goods about the brighter tomorrow progressive America
was arranging for black folks, but the kids knew better.
"The natives are restless." That expression I heard a half-dozen times in the single day I spent at
Wadleigh, the Death School. Candor was the style of the moment among white teachers (who
comprised 100 percent of the faculty) and with administrators in particular. On some level, black
kids had caught on to the fact that their school was a liar's world, a jobs project for seedy white
folk.
The only blacks visible outside Harlem and its outrigger ghettos were maids, laborers, and a token
handful stuffed into make-work government occupations, in theater, the arts, or civil service.
The notable exception consisted of a small West Indian business and professional elite which
behaved itself remarkably like upper-class whites, exhibiting a healthy dose of racial prejudice,
itself built on skin color and gradations, lighter being better. British manners made a difference in
Harlem just as they did elsewhere. The great ad campaigns of the day were overwhelmingly
British. Men in black eye patches wearing Hathaway shirts whose grandfathers fought at
Mafeking, "curiously delicious" Schweppes "Commander Whitehead" ads, ads for Rolls cars
where the loudest noise you heard was the ticking of the electric clock. The British hand in
American mid-twentieth-century life was noticeably heavy. Twelve hundred Wadleigh black kids
had no trouble figuring out what recolonization by the English meant for them.
I had no clue of this, of course, the day I walked into a school building for the first time in nine
years, a building so dark, sour, and shabby it was impossible to accept that anyone seriously
thought kids were better held there than running the streets.
Consider the orders issued me and under which I traveled to meet eighth graders on the second
floor:
Good morning, Mr. Gatto. You have typing. Here is your program.
Remember, THEY MUST NOT TYPE! Under no circumstances are they
allowed to type. I will come around unannounced to see that you comply. DO
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NOT BELIEVE ANYTHING THEY TELL YOU about an exception.
THERE ARE NO EXCEPTIONS.
Picture the scene: an assistant principal, a man already a living legend throughout the school
district, a man with a voice of command like Ozymandias, dispatching young Gatto (who only
yesterday wrote the immortal line "Legs are in the limelight this year" for a hosiery ad) into the
dark tunnels of the Death School with these words:
Not a letter, not a numeral, not a punctuation mark from those keys or you will
never be hired here again. Go now.
When I asked what I should do instead with the class of seventy- five, he replied, "Fall back on
your resources. Remember, you have no typing license!"
Off I went up the dark stairs, down the dark corridor. Opening the door I discovered my dark
class in place, an insane din coming from seventy-five old black Underwoods, Royals, Smith
Coronas: CLACKA! CLACKA! CLACKA! CLICK! CLICK! CLACK! DING! SLAM! CLACK!
Seven hundred and fifty black fingers dancing around under the typewriter covers. One-hundred
and fifty hammering hands clacking louder by far than I could bellow: STOP. ...TYPING! NO
TYPING ALLOWED! DON'T TYPE! STOP! STOP! STOP I SAY! PUT THOSE COVERS
ON THE MACHINES!
The last words were intended for the most flagrant of the young stenographers who had
abandoned any pretense of compliance. By unmasking their instruments they were declaring war.
In self-defense, I escalated my shouting into threats and insults, the standard tactical remedy of
teachers in the face of impending chaos, kicked a few chairs, banged an aluminum water pitcher
out of shape, and was having some success curtailing rogue typers when an ominous chant of
OOOOOHHHHHH! OOOOOOOOOOHHHHHH! warned me some other game was now afoot.
Sure enough, a skinny little fellow had arisen in the back of the room and was bearing down on
me, chair held high over his head. He had heard enough of my deranged screed, just as Middlesex
farmers had enough of British lip and raised their chairs at Concord and Lexington. I too raised a
chair and was backing my smaller opponent down when all of a sudden I caught a vision of both
of us as a movie camera might. It caused me to grin and when I did the whole class laughed and
tensions subsided.
"Isn't this a typing period?" I said, "WHY DON'T YOU START TYPING?" Day One of my
thirty-year teaching career concluded quietly with a few more classes to which I said at once, "No
goofing off! Let's TYPE!" And they did. All the machines survived unscathed.
I had never thought much about kids up to that moment, even fancied I didn't like them, but these
bouts of substitute teaching raised the possibility I was reacting adversely not to youth but to
invisible societal directives ordering young people to act childish whether they want to or not.
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Such behavior provides the best excuse for mature oversight. Was it possible I did like kids, just
not the script written for them?
There were other mysteries. What kind of science justified such sharp distinctions among classes
when even by the house logic of schooling it was obvious that large numbers of students were
misplaced? Why didn't this bother teachers? Why the apparent indifference to important matters
like these? And why was the mental ration doled out so sparingly? Whenever I stepped up my
own pace and began cracking the mental whip, all manner of kids responded better than when I
followed the prescribed dopey curriculum. Yet if that were so, why this skimpy diet instead?
The biggest mystery lurked in the difference between the lusty goodwill of first, second, and to
some extent third graders — even in Harlem — the bright, quick intelligence and goodwill always so
abundant in those grades, and the wild change fourth grade brought in terms of sullenness,
dishonesty, and downright mean spirit.
I knew something in the school experience was affecting these kids, but what? It had to be hidden
in those first-, second- and third-grade years which appear so idyllic even in Harlem What
surfaced by fourth grade was the effect of a lingering disease mnning rampant in the very Utopian
interlude when they were laughing, singing, playing, and running round in the earlier grades. And
kids who had been to kindergarten seemed worse than the others.
But schoolwork came as a great relief to me in spite of everything, after studying Marlboro
cigarette campaigns and Colgate commercials. In those days I was chomping at the bit to have
work that involved real responsibility; this imperative made me decide to throw ambition to the
winds at least for the moment and teach. Plenty of time to get rich later on, I thought.
In New York City in the 1960s, becoming a teacher was easier than you could imagine or believe
(it still is). It was a time of rich cash harvests for local colleges giving two-week teacher courses
for provisional certification; nearly everyone passed and permanent license requirements could be
met on the job. At the end of summer I had a license to go to school and get paid for it. Whether I
could actually teach was never an issue with anyone. Kids assigned to me had no choice in the
matter. That following autumn I found regular work at William J. O'Shea Junior High whose
broken concrete playground sat in plain view of the world-famous Museum of Natural History,
diagonally across Columbus Avenue to the northeast. It was a playground my kids and I were
later to use to make the school rich by designing and arranging for a weekend flea market to be
held on this site. But that came long afterwards.
Dr. Caleb Gattegno, Expert
I began to schoolteach as an engineer would, solving problems as they arose. Because of my
upbringing and because of certain unresolved contradictions in my own character I had a great
private need not just to have a job but to have work that would allow me to build the unbuilt parts
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of myself, to give me competence and let me feel my life was one being lived instead of it living
me. I brought to those first years an intensity of watchfulness probably uncommon in those who
grow up untroubled. My own deficiencies provided enough motivation to want to make
something worthwhile happen.
Had I remained a problem-solver I would have drowned in life for sure, but a habit of mind that
demands things in context sensitized me to the culture of schooling as a major element in my
work and that wariness eventually allowed me to surmount it. The highest school priorities are
administrative coherence, student predictability, and institutional stability; children doing well or
poorly are incidental to the main administrative mission. Hence teachers are often regarded as
instruments which respond best if handled like servants made to account for the silverware. In
order to give these vertical relationships strength, the horizontal relationships among teachers —
collegiality — must be kept weak.
This divide-and-conquer principle is true of any large system. The way it plays itself out in the
culture of schooling is to bestow on some few individuals favor, on some few grief, and to
approach the large middle with a carrot in one hand, a stick in the other with these dismal
examples illuminating the discourse. In simple terms, some are bribed into loyalty, but seldom so
securely they become complacent; others sent despairing, but seldom without hope since a crumb
might eventually fall their way. Those whose loyalties are purchased function as spies to report
staff defiance or as cheerleaders for new initiatives.
I used to hear from Granddad that a man's price for surrendering shows you the dirt floor of his
soul. A short list of customary teacher payoffs includes: 1) assignment to a room on the shady
side of the building; 2) or one away from playground noise; 3) a parking permit; 4) the gift of a
closet as a private office; 5) the tacit understanding that one can solicit administrative aid in
disciplinary situations without being persecuted afterwards; 6) first choice of textbooks from the
available supply in the book room; 7) access to the administrators' private photocopy machine; 8)
a set of black shades for your windows so the room can be sufficiently darkened to watch movies
comfortably; 9) privileged access to media equipment so machines could be counted on to take
over the teaching a few days each week; 10) assignment of a student teacher as a private clerk;
11) the right to go home on Friday a period or two early in order to beat the weekend rush; 12) a
program with first period (or first and second) free so the giftee can sleep late while a friend or
friendly administrator clocks them in.
Many more "deals" than this are available, extra pay for certain cushy specialized jobs or paid
after-school duty are major perks. Thus is the ancient game of divide and conquer played in
school. How many times I remember hearing, "Wake up, Gatto. Why should I bother? This is all a
big joke. Nobody cares. Keep the kids quiet, that's what a good teacher is. I have a life when I get
home from this sewer." Deals have a lot to do with that attitude and the best deals of all go to
those who establish themselves as experts. As did Dr. Caleb Gattegno.
A now long-forgotten Egyptian intellectual, Caleb Gattegno enjoyed a brief vogue in the 1960s as
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inventor of a reading system based on the use of nonverbal color cues to aid learning. He was
brought to the middle school where I worked in 1969 to demonstrate how his new system solved
seemingly intractable problems. This famous man's demonstration made such impact on me that
thirty years later I could lead you blindfolded to the basement room on West 77th Street where
twenty-five teachers and administrators crammed into the rear lane of a classroom in order to be
touched by this magic. Keep in mind it was only the demonstration I recall, I can't remember the
idea at all. It had something to do with color.
Even now I applaud Gattegno's courage if nothing else. A stranger facing a new class is odds-on
to be eaten alive, the customary example of this situation is the hapless substitute. But in his favor
another classroom advantage worked besides his magical color technology, the presence of a
crowd of adults virtually guaranteed a peaceful hour. Children are familiar with adult-swarming
through the twice-a-year-visitation days of parents. Everyone knows by some unvoiced universal
etiquette to be on best behavior when a concentration of strange adults appears in the back of the
room.
On the appointed day, at the appointed hour, we all assembled to watch the great man put
children through their paces. An air of excitement filled the room. >From the publicity buildup a
permanent revolution in our knowledge of reading was soon to be put on display. Finally, with a
full retinue of foundation officers and big bureaucrats, Dr. Caleb Gattegno entered the arena.
I can't precisely say why what happened next happened. The simple truth is I wasn't paying much
attention. But suddenly a babble of shouting woke me. Looking up, I saw the visiting expert's
face covered with blood! He was making a beeline through the mob for the door as if desperate to
get there before he bled to death.
As I later pieced together from eyewitness accounts, Dr. Gattegno had selected a student to
cooperate with his demonstration, a girl with a mind of her own. She didn't want to be the center
of attention at that moment. When Gattegno persisted her patience came to an end. What I
learned in a Harlem typing class years earlier, the famous Egyptian intellectual now learned in a
school in the middle of some of the most expensive real estate on earth.
Almost immediately after she raked her long fingernails down his well-educated cheeks, the
doctor was off to the races, exiting the room quickly, dashing up the staircase into Egyptian
history. We were left milling about, unable to stifle cynical remarks. What I failed to hear, then or
later, was a single word of sympathy for his travail. Word of the incident traveled quickly through
the three-story building, the event was postmortemed for days.
I should be ashamed to say it, but I felt traces of amusement at his plight, at the money wasted, at
the temporary chagrin of important people. Not a word was ever said again about Gattegno again
in my presence. I read a few pages of his slim volume and found them intelligent, but for some
unaccountable reason I couldn't muster interest enough to read on. Probably because there isn't
any trick to teaching children to read by very old-fashioned methods, which makes it difficult to
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work up much enthusiasm for novelty. Truth to tell, the reading world doesn't need a better
mousetrap. If you look up his work in the library, I'd appreciate it if you'd drop me a postcard
explaining what his colorful plan was all about.
Intimidation
New teachers and even beleaguered veterans are hardly in any position to stand back far enough
to see clearly the bad effect the dramatic setting of the building — its rules, personalities, and
hidden dynamics — has on their own outlook and on children's lives. About one kid in five in my
experience is in acute torment from the intimidation of peers, maybe more are driven to despair by
the indifference of official machinery. What the hounded souls can't possibly see is that from a
system standpoint, they are the problem with their infernal whining, not their persecutors.
And for every one broken by intimidation, another breaks himself just to get through the days,
months, and years ahead. This huge silent mass levels a moral accusation lowly teachers become
conscious of only at their peril because there is neither law nor institutional custom to stop the
transgressions. Young, idealistic teachers bum out in the first three years because they can't solve
administrative and collegial indifference, often concluding mistakenly that consciously willed
policies of actual human beings — a principal here, a department head or union leader there — are
causing the harm, when indifference is a system imperative; it would collapse from its
contradictions if too much sensitivity entered the operating formula.
I would have been odds-on to become one of these martyrs to inadequate understanding of the
teaching situation but for a fortunate accident. By the late 1960s I had exhausted my imagination
inside the conventional classroom when all of a sudden a period of phenomenal turbulence
descended upon urban schoolteaching everywhere. I'll tell you more about this in a while, but for
the moment, suffice it to say that supervisory personnel were torn loose from their moorings,
superintendents, principals and all the rest flung to the wolves by those who actually direct
American schooling. In this dark time, local management cowered. During one three-year stretch
I can remember, we had four principals and three superintendents. The net effect of this
ideological bombardment, which lasted about five years in its most visible manifestation, was to
utterly destroy the utility of urban schools. From my own perspective all this was a godsend.
Surveillance of teachers and administrative routines lost their bite as school administrators
scurried like rats to escape the wrath of their unseen masters, while I suddenly found myself in
possession of a blank check to run my classes as I pleased as long as I could secure the support of
key parents.
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Hector Of The Feeble-Mind
See thirteen-year-old Hector Rodriguez 1 as I first saw him: slightly built, olive -skinned, short,
with huge black eyes, his body twisting acrobatically as he tried to slip under the gated defenses of
the skating rink on the northern end of Central Park one cold November day. Up to that time I
had known Hector for several months but had never really seen him, nor would I have seen him
then but for the startling puzzle he presented by gatecrashing with a fully paid admission ticket in
his pocket. Was he nuts?
This particular skating rink sits in a valley requiring patrons to descend several flights of concrete
steps to reach the ice. When I counted bodies at the foot of the stairs, Hector was missing. I went
back up the stairs to find Hector wedged in the bars of the revolving security gate. "You little
imbecile," I screamed. "Why are you sneaking in? You have a ticket!" No answer, but his
expression told me his answer. It said, "Why shout? I know what I'm doing, I have principles to
uphold." He actually looked offended by my lack of understanding.
Hector was solving a problem. Could the interlocking bars of the automatic turnstile be defeated?
What safer way to probe than with a paid ticket in hand in case he got caught. Later as I searched
school records for clues to understand this boy, I discovered in his short transit on earth he had
already left a long outlaw trail behind him. And yet, although none of his crimes would have
earned more than a good spanking a hundred years earlier, now they helped support a social
service empire. By substituting an excessive response for an appropriate (minimal) reaction,
behavior we sought to discourage has doubled and redoubled. It is implicit in the structure of
institutional logic that this happens. What's bad for real people is the very guarantee of
institutional amorality.
At the time of this incident, Hector attended one of the fifty-five public schools with the lowest
academic ratings in New York State, part of a select group threatened with takeover by state
custodians. Seven of the nine rapists of the Central Park jogger — a case that made national
headlines some years back — were graduates of the school. Of the thirteen classes in Hector's
grade, a full nine were of higher rank than the one he was in. Hector might be seen at twelve as an
exhausted salmon swimming upstream in a raging current trying to sweep away his dignity. We
had deliberately unleashed such a flood by assigning about eleven hundred kids in all, to five
strictly graduated categories:
First Class was called "Gifted and Talented Honors."
Second Class was called "Gifted and Talented."
Third Class was called "Special Progress."
Fourth Class was called "Mainstream."
Fifth Class was called "Special Ed." These last kids had a cash value to the school three times
higher than the others, a genuine incentive to find fatal defects where none existed.
Hector was a specimen from the doomed category called Mainstream, itself further divided into
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alphabetized subcategories — A, B, C, or D. Worst of the worst above Special Ed would be
Mainstream D where he reported. Since Special Ed was a life sentence of ostracism and
humiliation at the hands of the balance of the student body, we might even call Hector "lucky" to
be Mainstream, though as Mainstream D, he was suspended in that thin layer of mercy just above
the truly doomed. Hector's standardized test scores placed him about three years behind the
middle of the rat-pack. This, and his status as an absolute cipher (where school activities, sports,
volunteer work, and good behavior were concerned) would have made it difficult enough for
anyone prone to be his advocate, but in Hector's case, he wasn't just behind an eight-ball, he was
six feet under one.
Shortly after I found him breaking and entering (the skating rink), Hector was arrested in a nearby
elementary school with a gun. It was a fake gun but it looked pretty real to the school secretaries
and principal. I found out about this at my school faculty Christmas party when the principal came
bug-eyed over to the potato salad where I camped, crying, GATTO, WHAT HAVE YOU DONE
TO ME? His exact words. Hector had been dismissed for holiday only that morning; he then
hightailed it immediately to his old elementary school, still in session, to turn the younger children
loose, to free the pint-sized slaves like a modern Spartacus. Come forward now one year in time:
Hector in high school, second report card. He failed every subject, and was absent enough to be
cited for truancy. But you could have guessed that before I told you because you read the same
sociology books I do.
Can you see the Hector trapped inside these implacable school records? Poor, small for his age,
part of a minority, not accounted much by people who matter, dumb, in a super-dumb class, a
bizarre gatecrasher, a gunslinger, a total failure in high school? Can you see Hector? Certainly you
think you do. How could you not? The system makes it so easy to classify him and predict his
future.
What is society to do with its Hectors? This is the boy, multiplied by millions, that school people
have been agonizing about in every decade of the twentieth century. This is the boy who
destroyed the academic mission of American public schooling, turning it into a warehouse
operation, a clinic for behavioral training and attitude adjustment. Hector's principal said to the
Christian Science Monitor when it made a documentary film about my class and Hector's, "Sure
the system stinks, but John [Gatto] has nothing to replace it. And as bad as the system is, it's
better than chaos."
But is the only alternative to a stifling system really chaos?
1 Not his real name
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Hector Isn't The Problem
The country has been sold a bill of goods that the problem of modern schooling is Hector. That's
a demon we face, that misperception. Under its many faces and shape-shifting rhetoric, forced
schooling itself was conceived as the frontline in a war against chaos. Horace Mann wrote once to
Reverend Samuel May, "Schools will be found to be the way God has chosen for the reformation
of the world." School is the beginning of the process to keep Hector and his kind in protective
custody. Important people believe with the fervor of religious energy that civilization can only
survive if the irrational, unpredictable impulses of human nature are continually beaten back,
confined until their demonic vitality is sapped.
Read Merle Curti's Social Ideas of the Great Educators, a classic which will never be allowed to
go out of print as long as we have college courses as gatekeeper for teacher certification. Curti
shows that every single one of the greats used this Impending Chaos argument in front of financial
tycoons to marshal support for the enlargement of forced schooling.
I don't want to upset you, but I'm not sure. I have evidence Hector isn't what school and society
make him out to be, data that will give a startlingly different picture. During the period when the
skating incident and school stickup occurred, Senator Bob Kerrey of Nebraska was putting
together an education plank in order to run for his party's presidential nomination. To that end,
his office called me to inquire whether I could meet with the Senator to discuss an article I wrote
which had been printed in the Congressional Record. It was agreed we would meet for breakfast
at Manhattan's famous Algonquin Hotel, site of the famous literary Roundtable. Hector and his
close friend Kareem would join us.
Our conference lasted three hours without any bell breaks. It was cordial but businesslike with the
senator asking hard questions and his assistant, a vivacious attractive woman, taking notes.
Hector dominated the discussion. Concise, thoughtful, inventive, balanced in his analysis, graceful
in his presentation with the full range of sallies, demurs, illustrations, head-cockings, and gestures
you might expect from a trained conversationalist. Where had he learned to handle himself that
way? Why didn't he act this way in school?
As time passed, Hector gravitated bit by bit to the chair where the woman I thought to be
Kerrey's assistant was sitting. Hector perched in a natural posture on its arm, still apparently
intent on the verbal give and take, but I noticed he cast a smoldering glance directly down at the
lady. By a lucky accident I got a snapshot of him doing it. It turned out she was the movie star
Debra Winger! Hector was taking both Washington and Hollywood in stride while eating a
trencherman's breakfast at a class hotel! He proved to be a valuable colleague in our discussion
too, I think the Senator would agree.
In April of the following year, Hector borrowed fifteen dollars from me to buy pizza for a young
woman attending Columbia University's School of International Affairs. As far as Hector was
concerned, being a graduate student was only her cover — in his world of expertise as a
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knowledgeable student of the comic book industry (and a talented self-taught graphic artist), she
was, in reality, a famous writer for Marvel Comics. The full details of their liaison are unknown to
me, but a brilliant piece of documentary film footage exists of this young woman giving a private
seminar to Hector and Kareem under an old oak tree on the Columbia campus. What emerged
from the meetings between writer and diminutive hold-up man was a one-day-a-week private
workshop at her studio just north of Wall Street.
In November of that same year, utterly unknown to his school (where he was considered a
dangerous moron), all gleaming in white tie, tails and top hat, Hector acted as master of
ceremonies for a program on school reform at Carnegie Hall, complete with a classical pianist and
a lineup of distinguished speakers, including the cantankerous genius Mary Leue, founder of the
Albany Free School, and several of my former students.
The following spring, just after he produced his unblemished record of failure as a high school
freshman, Hector came to me with a job application. An award-winning cable television show was
packaging kids into four-person production teams to make segments for a television magazine
format hour like 60 Minutes. Hector wanted to work there.
I sprang the bad news to him right away: "Your goose is cooked," I said. "You'll sit down in that
interview and they'll ask you how you're doing in school. You'll say, 'Listen, I'm failing all my
subjects and oh, another thing, the only experience I have with TV is watching it until my eyeballs
bug out — unless you count the time they filmed me at the police station to scare me. Why would
they want to scare me? I think it was because I held up an elementary school and they didn't want
me to do it again. '
"So you're dead the minute they run your interview on any conventional lines. But you might
have a slim chance if you don't follow the form sheet. Don't do what other kids will. Don't send
in an application form. Guidance counselors will pass these out by the thousands. Use a typed
resume and a cover letter the way a real person would. And don't send it to some flunky, call up
the station, find out who the producer of the show is, say in a letter that you're not the greatest
sit-down student in the world because you have your own ideas, but that you've come to
understand film through an intense study of comic art and how it produces its effects. All that's
true, by the way. Mention casually you have a private apprenticeship with one of the big names in
the comic business and that you've done consultation work for the famous Nuyorican Poet's
Cafe...."
"I have?" asked Hector.
"Sure. Don't you remember all those times you sat around with Roland chewing the fat when he
was trying to shoot his film last year? Roland's one of the founders of the Nuyorican. And toss in
your emceeing at Carnegie Hall; that ought to set you apart from the chumps. Now let's get on
with that resume and cover letter. As sure as I'm sitting here, they'll only get one cover letter and
resume. That should buy you an interview.
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"The only way you can squeak through that interview though is to convince someone by your
behavior you can do the job better than anyone else. They'll be staring the spots off your every
move, your clothing, your gestures, trying to see into your soul. Your goose is cooked if you get
caught in a grilling."
"You mean I'll shift around," Hector asked, "and get an attitude in my voice, don't you?"
"Right, just before the shifty look comes into your eyes!" I said.
We both laughed.
"So, what do I do?" Hector asked.
"The only thing you can do is quietly take over the interview. By quietly, I mean in a way they
won't understand what's happening. You and I will just sit here until we figure out every single
question they might ask, and every single need they might have which they won't tell you about,
and every single fear they have that some aspect of your nature will screw up their project.
Remember they're not hiring a kid to be nice people, they're hiring a kid because that's the
gimmick of their show. So what you must do is to show by your commanding presence,
impeccable manners, vast range of contacts, and dazzling intelligence that their fears are
groundless.
"You're going to show them you love work for its own sake, that you don't watch the time clock,
that you can take orders when orders make sense, that you are a goldmine of ideas, that you're
fun to be around. You'll have to master all this quickly because I have a hunch you'll be called in
right after your letter arrives. Can you do it?"
Six weeks later Hector started his new job.
One Lawyer Equals 3,000 Reams Of Paper
Once, a long time ago, I spoke before the District 3 School Board in Manhattan to plead that it
not retain a private lawyer when all the legal work a school district is legitimately entitled to is
provided free by the city's corporation counsel. In spite of this, the district had allocated $10,000
to retain a Brooklyn law firm. This is standard technique with boards everywhere which seek legal
advice to get rid of their "enemies." They either prefer to conceal this from the corporation
counsel or fear such work might be rejected as illegitimate. One school board member had already
consulted with these same attorneys on five separate occasions pursuing some private vendetta,
then submitting bills for payment against the school funds of the district. Sometimes this is simply
a way to toss a tip to friends.
My argument went as follows:
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In order to emphasize the magnitude of the loss this waste of money would
entail — emblematic of dozens of similar wastes every year — I want to suggest
some alternate uses for this money which will become impossible once it's
spent on a lawyer none of the kids needs. It would buy:
Three thousand reams of paper, 1,500,000 sheets. In September six
of the schools in District 3 opened a school year without any paper at
all. Letters from the principals of these schools to the school board,
of which my wife has photocopies, will attest to this. It would buy
enough chemicals and lab specimens to run the entire science
program at I.S 44 and Joan of Arc, nearly 2,000 copies of The
Complete Works of William Shakespeare as discounted by Barnes
and Noble in hardcover, enough sewing machines and fabrication
supplies to offer six modern dressmaking classes. In light of the fact
New York City's fashion industry is a major employer, it would seem
a saner use of the funds. How many musical instruments, how much
sports equipment, wood, ceramic materials, art supplies does $10,000
buy? The Urban League's "Children Teach Children" reading project
could be put in the district, displacing armies of low-utility,
$23-an-hour consultants. With $10,000 we could pay our own
students $l-an-hour — receive better value — and see our money in the
pockets of kids, not lawyers. Invested in stock or even 30-year
treasury notes as a scholarship fund, this money would return in
perpetuity enough interest yearly to pay a kid's way through City
University. The money in question would buy 50,000 pens. Eight
computer installations. Two hundred winter coats for kids who are
cold.
I concluded with two suggestions: first, a referendum among parents to find out whether they
would prefer one of the options above or a lawyer; second, to buy 10,000 lottery tickets so we all
could have a thrill out of this potlatch instead of the solitary thrill a Brooklyn lawyer would have
banking our check.
Four years later, I appeared before the same school board, with the following somewhat darker
statement:
On September 3, 1986, my teaching license, which I had held for 26 years,
was terminated secretly while I was on medical leave of absence for
degenerative arthritis. The arthritis was contracted by climbing 80 steps a day
to the third floor for more than a year — at the express request of the
co-directors — with a badly broken hip held together by three large screws.
Although papers for a medical leave of absence were signed and filed, these
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documents were destroyed at the district level, removed from central board
medical offices. The current management apparently was instructed to deny
papers had ever been filed, allowing the strange conclusion I had simply
walked away from a quarter century of work and vanished.
The notice terminating my teaching license was sent to an address where I
hadn 't lived for twenty-two years. It was returned marked "not known at this
address. " This satisfied the board's contractual obligation to notify me of my
imminent dismissal, however nominally.
When I returned to work from what I had no reason to assume wasn 't an
approved leave, I was informed by personnel that I no longer worked for
District 3, and that I could not work anywhere because I no longer had a
teaching license. This could only be reinstated if my building principal would
testify he knew I had properly filed for leave. Since this would involve the
individual in serious legal jeopardy, it isn 't surprising my request for such a
notice was ignored.
From September 1987 to April of 1988 my family was plunged into misery as I
sought to clear my name. Although I had personal copies of my leave forms at
the first hearing on this matter, my building principal and the district
personnel officer both claimed their signatures on the photocopies were
forgeries. My appeal was denied.
Just before the second hearing in March, a courageous payroll secretary
swore before a public official that my leave extensions had always been on file
at Lincoln, signed by school authorities. She testified that attempts had been
made to have her surrender these copies, requests she refused. Production of
her affidavit to this at my third hearing caused an eventual return of my
license and all lost pay. At the moment of disclosure of that affidavit during a
third grievance hearing, the female co-director shouted in an agitated voice,
"The District doesn 't want him back!"
I am asking for an investigation of this matter because my case is far from the
only time this has happened in District 3. Indeed, all over New York this
business is conducted so cynically that administrators violate basic canons of
decency and actual law with impunity because they know the system will cover
for them no matter how culpable their behavior.
No comment was ever forthcoming from that Board of Education. Two years after my
restoration, I was named New York City Teacher of the Year. Two years after that, New York
State Teacher of the Year. A year later, after addressing the Engineer's Colloquium at NASA
Space Center, invitations poured in to speak from every state in the union and from all over the
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world. But the damage my family had sustained carried lasting effects.
Yet I proved something important, I think. On looking back at the whole sorry tapestry of the
system as it revealed itself layer by layer in my agony, what was most impressive wasn't its
horrifying power to treat me and my family without conscience or compassion, but its incredible
weakness in the face of opposition. Battling without allies for thirty years, far from home and
family, without financial resources, with no place to look for help except my native wit, nor for
courage except to principles learned as a boy in a working-class town on the Monongahela River,
I was able to back the school creature into such a corner it was eventually driven to commit
crimes to get free of me.
What that suggests is cause for great hope. A relative handful of people could change the course
of schooling significantly by resisting the suffocating advance of centralization and standardization
of children, by being imaginative and determined in their resistance, by exploiting manifold
weaknesses in the institution's internal coherence: the disloyalty its own employees feel toward it.
It took 150 years to build this apparatus; it won't quit breathing overnight. The formula is to take
a deep breath, then select five smooth stones and let fly. The homeschoolers have already begun.
The Great Transformation
I lived through the great transformation which turned schools from often useful places (if never
the essential ones school publicists claimed) into laboratories of state experimentation. When I
began teaching in 196 1, the social environment of Manhattan schools was a distant cousin of the
western Pennsylvania schools I attended in the 1940s, as Darwin was a distant cousin of Malthus.
Discipline was the daily watchword on school corridors. A network of discipline referrals, graded
into an elaborate catalogue of well-calibrated offenses, was etched into the classroom heart. At
bottom, hard as it is to believe in today's school climate, there was a common dedication to the
intellectual part of the enterprise. I remember screaming (pompously) at an administrator who
marked on my plan book that he would like to see evidence I was teaching "the whole child," that
I didn't teach children at all, I taught the discipline of the English language! Priggish as that
sounds, it reflects an attitude not uncommon among teachers who grew up in the 1940s and
before. Even with much slippage in practice, Monongahela and Manhattan had a family
relationship. About schooling at least. Then suddenly in 1965 everything changed.
Whatever the event is that I'm actually referring to — and its full dimensions are still only partially
clear to me — it was a nationwide phenomenon simultaneously arriving in all big cities coast to
coast, penetrating the hinterlands afterwards. Whatever it was, it arrived all at once, the way we
see national testing and other remote-control school matters like School-to-Work legislation
appear in every state today at the same time. A plan was being orchestrated, the nature of which is
unmasked in the upcoming chapters.
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Think of this thing for the moment as a course of discipline dictated by coaches outside the
perimeter of the visible school world. It constituted psychological restructuring of the institution's
mission, but traveled under the guise of a public emergency which (the public was told) dictated
increasing the intellectual content of the business! Except for its nightmare aspect, it could have
been a scene from farce, a swipe directly from Orwell's 1984 and its fictional telly announcements
that the chocolate ration was being raised every time it was being lowered. This reorientation did
not arise from any democratic debate, or from any public clamor for such a peculiar initiative; the
public was not consulted or informed. Best of all, those engineering the makeover denied it was
happening.
I watched fascinated, as over a period of a hundred days, the entire edifice of public schooling
was turned upside down. I know there was no advance warning to low-level administrators like
principals, either, because I watched my first principal destroy himself trying to stem the tide. A
mysterious new deal was the order of the day.
Suddenly children were to be granted "due process" before any sanction, however mild, could be
invoked. A formal schedule of hearings, referees, advocates, and appeals was set up. What might
on paper have seemed only a liberal extension of full humanity to children was actually the starting
gun for a time of mayhem. To understand this better, reflect a minute on the full array of ad hoc
responses to wildness, cruelty, or incipient chaos teachers usually employ to keep the collective
classroom a civil place at all. In a building with a hundred teachers, the instituting of an
adversarial system of justice meant that within just weeks the building turned into an insane
asylum. Bedlam, without a modicum of civility anywhere.
This transformation, ironically enough, made administrative duty easier, because where once
supervisory intercession had constituted, a regular link in the ladder of referral as it was called, in
the new order, administrators were excused from minute -to -minute discipline and were granted
power to assume that incidents were a teacher's fault, to be duly entered on the Cumulative
Record File, the pedagogical equivalent of the Chinese Dangan.
There was a humorous aspect to what transpired over the next few years. I had no particular
trouble keeping a lid on things, but for teachers who counted upon support from administrative
staff it was a different story. Now, if they asked for a hand, often they were pressured to resign,
or formally charged with bad classroom management, or worst of all, transferred to an even more
hideous school in expectation they would eliminate themselves.
Most, under such tension, took the hint and quit. A few had to be pushed. I remember a
magnificent math teacher, an older black woman with honors and accomplishments to her name,
much beloved and respected by her classes, singled out for public persecution probably because
she acted as an intractable moral force, a strong model teacher with strong principles. Daily
investigative teams from the district office watched her classes, busily took notes in the back of
her room, challenged her style of presentation openly while children listened. This went on for
two weeks. Then the administration began to call her students to the school office to interrogate
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them, one by one, about the teacher's behavior. They coached some kids to watch her during her
classes, coached them to look for any telltale signs she was a racist! Parents were called and
offered an option of withdrawing their kids from her classes. Broken by the ordeal, one day she
vanished.
When my wife was elected to the district school board, one of her first actions was to gain access
to the superintendent's private files without his knowledge. Some of those records concerned
details of official cases of harassment. Dozens of employees had been similarly purged, and
dozens more were "under investigation" in this gulag on West 95th Street. Contacting these
people in private, it became clear to me that, they were far from the worst teachers around.
Indeed some were the best. Their relative prowess had emboldened them to speak out on policy
matters and so marked them for elimination.
One principal, whose school was the most successful reading environment in the district, received
similar treatment, ultimately sentenced to an official Siberia in Harlem, given no duties at all for
the two years more he lasted before quitting. His crime: allegedly striking a girl although there
were no witnesses to this but the girl, a student who admitted breaking into the light-control panel
room in the auditorium where the offense is supposed to have occurred. His real crime was his
refusal to abandon phonetic reading methodology and replace it with a politically mandated
whole-word substitute.
I escaped the worst effects of the bloodbath. Mostly I minded my business trying to ignore the
daily carnage. In truth I had no affection for the old system being savaged, and chaos made it
easier for me to try out things that worked. On balance, I probably did my best work during those
turbulent years as a direct result of the curious smokescreen they provided.
But accounts are not so simple to balance overall. If I regarded run-of-the-mill school
administrators as scared rabbits or system flunkies, the reformers I saw parading daily through the
building corridors looked like storm troopers and made my skin crawl.
On several occasions, energetic efforts were made by these people to recruit my assistance as an
active ally. All such appeals I politely refused. True belief they had, but for all of it they seemed
like savages to me, inordinately proud of their power to cause fear, as willing to trample on the
decencies as the people they were harassing as indecent. However, it seemed just possible
something good might actually emerge from the shakeup underway. About that, I was dead
wrong. As the project advanced, schools became noticeably worse. Bad to begin with, now they
mutated into something horrible.
What shape began to emerge was a fascinating echo of the same bureaucratic cancer which
dogged the steps of the French, Russian, and Chinese revolutions. Do-nothing administrators and
nonteaching teachers multiplied like locusts. With them came an entirely new class of
school-teacher, one aggressively ignorant, cynical, and often tied to local political clubs. New
categories of job description sprang up like weeds.
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My own school fell victim to a politically correct black gym teacher imported from New England
to be its principal. Two schoolwide riots followed his installation, mass marches on city hall
transpired in which local politicians instrumental in the man's selection used schoolchildren as
unwitting cadres to lobby their favorite schemes in newsworthy, children's crusade fashion.
A small band of old-fashioned teachers fought rearguard actions against this, but time retired them
one by one until, with only an occasional exception, the classrooms of Community School District
3, in one of the most prosperous neighborhoods on earth, became lawless compounds, job
projects for the otherwise unemployable.
I need to wrap this up so we can get on with things. I have to skip the full story of the Hell's
Angel math teacher who parked his Harley Hog outside the door of his classroom, and when the
principal objected, told him in front of startled witnesses that if the man didn't shut his mouth, the
number-crunching cyclist would come to his home that evening, pour gasoline under his front
door, and set his house on fire. I have to skip the hair-raising stories of not one but three junior
high teachers I knew quite well who married their students. Each, spotting a likely
thirteen-year-old, wooed the respective girl in class and married her a few years later. They took
the more honorable course, hardly the outcome of most teacher- student romances I was privy to.
I have to skip the drug habits of staff in each of the buildings I worked in and other lurid stuff like
that. In the midst of the unending dullness of institutional schooling, human nature cracks through
the peeling paint as grass through cement. I have to skip all that. Suffice it to say, my life
experience taught me that school isn't a safe place to leave your children.
Education As A Helix Sport
Here's a principle of real education to carry you through the moments of self-doubt. Education is
a helix sport, a unique personal project like seatless unicycle riding over trackless wilderness, a
sport that avoids rails, rules, and programmed confinement. The familiar versions of this are
cross-country skiing, sailing, hang-gliding, skateboarding, surfing, solitary mountain climbing,
thousand-mile walks, things like that. I think of education as one, too.
In a helix sport the players search for a new relationship with themselves. They endure pain and
risk to achieve this goal. Helix sports are free of expert micromanagement. Experts can't help you
much in that moment of truth when a mistake might leave you dead. Helix sports are a revolt
against predestination.
Bringing children up properly is a helix sport forcing you to realize that no boy or girl on earth is
just like another. If you do understand this you also understand there can exist no reliable map to
tell you all you need to do. Process kids like sardines and don't be surprised when they come out
oily and dead. In the words of the Albany Free School, if you aren't making it up as you go along,
you aren't doing it right.
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The managerial and social science people who built forced schooling had no scruples about
making your kids fit into their scheme. It's suffocating to the spirit to be treated this way. A
young lady from Tucson wrote me, "Now that I'm nearly 25, 1 can hardly remember why I began
to be afraid to go to school." I wrote back that she was afraid because her instincts warned her the
school business had no use for the personal growth she sought. All pedagogical theory is based on
stage theories of human development. All stage theories of child rearing talk in averages. The
evidence before your own eyes and ears must show you that average men and women don't
actually exist. Yet they remain the basis of social theory, even though such artificial constructs are
useless to tell you anything valuable about your own implacably nonabstract child.
I'm Outta Here!
One day, after thirty years of this, I took a deep breath and quit.
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Chapter 5
True Believers and The Unspeakable Chautauqua
A very small group of young psychologists around the turn of the century were
able to create and market a system for measuring human talent that has
permeated American institutions of learning and influenced such fundamental
social concepts as democracy, sanity, justice, welfare, reproductive rights,
and economic progress. In creating, owning, and advertising this social
technology the testers created themselves as professionals.
— Joanne Brown, The Definition of a Profession: The Authority of
Metaphor in the History of Intelligence Testing
I have undertaken to get at the facts from the point of view of the business
men — citizens of the community who, after all, pay the bills and, therefore,
have a right to say what they shall have in their schools.
— Charles H. Thurber, from an address at the Annual Meeting of the
National Education Association, July 9, 1897
Munsterberg And His Disciples
The self-interested have had a large hand conceiving and executing twentieth-century schooling,
yet once that's said, self-interest isn't enough to explain the zeal in confining other people's
children in rooms, locked away from the world, the infernal zeal which, like a toadstool, keeps
forcing its way to the surface in this business. Among millions of normal human beings
professionally associated with the school adventure, a small band of true believers has been loose
from the beginning, brothers and sisters whose eyes gleam in the dark, whose heartbeat quickens
at the prospect of acting as "change agents" for a purpose beyond self-interest.
For true believers, children are test animals. The strongest belt in the engine of schooling is the
strand of true belief. True believers can be located by their rhetoric; it reveals a scale of
philosophical imagination which involves plans for you and me. All you need know about Mr.
Laszlo, whose timeless faith song is cited in the front of this book (xiii), is that the "we" he joins
himself to, the "masters who manipulate," doesn't really include the rest of us, except as objects
of the exercise. Here is a true believer in full gallop. School history is crammed with wild-eyed
orators, lurking just behind the lit stage. Like Hugo Munsterberg.
Munsterberg was one of the people who was in on the birth of twentieth-century mass schooling.
In 1892, a recent emigre to America from Wilhelm Wundt's laboratory of physiological
psychology at Leipzig, in Saxony, he was a Harvard Professor of Psychology. Munsterberg taught
his students to look at schools as social laboratories suitable for testing theory, not as aggregates
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of young people pursuing their own purposes. The St. Louis Exposition of 1904 showcased his
ideas for academicians all over the world, and the popular press made his notions familiar to upper
middle classes horrified by the unfamiliar family ways of immigrants, eager to find ways to
separate immigrant children from those alien practices of their parents.
Munsterberg's particular obsession lay in quantifying the mental and physical powers of the
population for central government files, so policymakers could manage the nation's "human
resources" efficiently. His students became leaders of the "standardization" crusade in America.
Munsterberg was convinced that racial differences could be reduced to numbers, equally
convinced it was his sacred duty to the Aryan race to do so. Aryanism crackled like static
electricity across the surface of American university life in those days, its implications part of
every corporate board game and government bureau initiative.
One of Munsterberg's favorite disciples, Lillian Wald, became a powerful advocate of medical
incursions into public schools. The famous progressive social reformer wrote in 1905: "It is
difficult to place a limit upon the service which medical inspection should perform," 1 continuing,
"Is it not logical to conclude that physical development.. .should so far as possible be demanded?"
One year later, immigrant public schools in Manhattan began performing tonsillectomies and
adenoidectomies in school without notifying parents. The New York Times (June 29, 1906)
reported that "Frantic Italians" — many armed with stilettos — "stormed" three schools, attacking
teachers and dragging children from the clutches of the true believers into whose hands they had
fallen. Think of the conscience which would ascribe to itself the right to operate on children at
official discretion and you will know beyond a doubt what a true believer smells like.
Even a cursory study of the history of the school institution turns up true belief in rich abundance.
In a famous book, The Proper Study of Mankind (1948), paid for by the Carnegie Corporation of
New York and the Russell Sage Foundation, the favorite principle of true believers since Plato
makes an appearance: "A society could be completely made over in something like 15 years, the
time it takes to inculcate a new culture into a rising group of youngsters." Despite the spirit of
profound violence hovering over such seemingly bloodless, abstract formulas, this is indeed the
will-o-the-wisp pursued throughout the twentieth century in forced schooling — not intellectual
development, not character development, but the inculcation of a new synthetic culture in
children, one designed to condition its subjects to a continual adjusting of their lives by unseen
authorities.
It's true that numerically, only a small fraction of those who direct institutional schooling are
actively aware of its ideological bent, but we need to see that without consistent generalship from
that knowledgeable group in guiding things, the evolution of schooling would long ago have lost
its coherence, degenerating into battles between swarms of economic and political interests
fighting over the treasure-house that hermetic pedagogy represents. One of the hardest things to
understand is that true believers — dedicated ideologues — are useful to all interests in the school
stew by providing a salutary continuity to the enterprise.
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Because of the predictable greed embedded in this culture, some overarching "guardian" vision,
one indifferent to material gain, seems necessary to prevent marketplace chaos. True believers
referee the school game, establishing its goals, rules, penalties; they negotiate and compromise
with other stakeholders. And strangely enough, above all else, they can be trusted to continue
being their predictable, dedicated, selfless selves. Pragmatic stakeholders need them to keep the
game alive; true believers need pragmatists as cover. Consider this impossibly melodramatic if you
must. I know myself that parts of my story sound like leaves torn from Ragtime. But from start to
finish this is a tale of true believers and how by playing on their pipes they took all the children
away.
1 Forced medical inspection had been a prominent social theme in northern Germany since at least 1750.
The Prototype Is A Schoolteacher
One dependable signal of a true believer's presence is a strong passion for everyone's children.
Find nonstop, abstract interest in the collective noun "children," the kind of love Pestalozzi or
Froebel had, and you've flushed the priesthood from its lair. Eric Hoffer tells us the prototype
true believer is a schoolteacher. Mao was a schoolteacher, so was Mussolini, so were many other
prominent warlike leaders of our time, including Lyndon Johnson. In Hoffer's characterization,
the true believer is identified by inner fire, "a burning conviction we have a holy duty to others."
Lack of humor is one touchstone of true belief.
The expression "true believer" is from a fifth-century book, The City of God, occurring in a
passage where St. Augustine urges holy men and women to abandon fear and embrace their
sacred work fervently. True Belief is a psychological frame you'll find useful to explain individuals
who relentlessly pursue a cause indifferent to personal discomfort, indifferent to the discomfort of
others. 1 All of us show a tiny element of true belief in our makeup, usually just enough to
recognize the lunatic gleam in the eye of some purer zealot when we meet face to face. But in an
age which distances us from hand-to-hand encounters with authority — removing us electronically,
bureaucratically, and institutionally — the truly fanatical among us have been granted the luxury of
full anonymity. We have to judge their presence by the fallout.
Horace Mann exemplifies the type. From start to finish he had a mission. He spoke passionately at
all times. He wrote notes to himself about "breaking the bond of association among workingmen."
In a commencement harangue at Antioch College in 1859, he said, "Be ashamed to die until you
have won some victory for humanity." A few cynical critics snipe at Mann for lying about his
imaginary school tour of Prussia (which led to the adoption of Prussian schooling methodologies
in America), but those cynics miss the point. For the great ones, the goal is everything; the end
justifies any means. Mann lived and died a social crusader. His second wife, Mary Peabody, paid
him this posthumous tribute: "He was all afire with Purpose."
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Al Shanker, longtime president of the American Federation of Teachers, said in one of his last
Sunday advertisements in The New York Times before his death: "Public schools do not exist to
please Johnny's parents. They do not even exist to ensure that Johnny will one day earn a good
living at a job he likes." No other energy but true belief can explain what Shanker might have had
in mind.
1 For instance, how else to get a handle on the Columbia Teachers College bureau head who delivered himself of
this sentence in Education Week (March 18, 1998), in an essay titled "Altering Destinies": "Program officials
consider no part of a student's life off limits."
Teachers College Maintains The Planet
A beautiful example of true belief in action crossed my desk recently from the alumni magazine of
my own alma mater, Columbia University. Written by the director of Columbia's Institute for
Learning Technologies, a bureau at Teachers College, this mailing informed graduates that the
education division now regarded itself as bound by "a contract with posterity." Something in the
tone warned me against dismissing this as customary institutional gas. Seconds later I learned,
with some shock, that Teachers College felt obligated to take a commanding role in "maintaining
the planet." The next extension of this strange idea was even more pointed. Teachers College now
interpreted its mandate, I was told, as one compelling it "to distribute itself all over the world and
to teach every day, 24 hours a day."
To gain perspective, try to imagine the University of Berlin undertaking to distribute itself among
the fifty American states, to be present in this foreign land twenty-four hours a day, swimming in
the minds of Mormon children in Utah and Baptist children in Georgia. Any university intending
to become global like some nanny creature spawned in Bacon's ghastly utopia, New Atlantis, is
no longer simply in the business of education. Columbia Teachers College had become an
aggressive evangelist by its own announcement, an institution of true belief selling an
unfathomable doctrine. I held its declaration in my hand for a while after I read it. Thinking.
Let me underline what you just heard. Picture some U.N. thought police dragging reluctant Serbs
to a loudspeaker to listen to Teachers College rant. Most of us have no frame of reference in
which to fit such a picture. Narcosis in the face of true belief is a principal reason the disease
progressed so far through the medium of forced schooling without provoking much major
opposition. Only after a million homeschooling families and an equal number of religiously
oriented private -school families emerged from their sleep to reclaim their children from the
government in the 1970s and 1980s, in direct response to an epoch of flagrant social
experimentation in government schools, did true belief find ruts in its road.
Columbia, where I took an undergraduate degree, is the last agency I would want maintaining my
planet. For decades it was a major New York slumlord indifferent to maintaining its own
neighborhood, a territory much smaller than the globe. Columbia has been a legendary bad
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neighbor to the community for the forty years I've lived near my alma mater. So much for its
qualifications as Planetary Guardian. Its second boast is even more ominous — I mean that goal of
intervening in mental life "all over the world," teaching "every day, 24 hours a day." Teaching
what? Shouldn't we ask? Our trouble in recognizing true belief is that it wears a reasonable face in
modern times.
A Lofty, Somewhat Inhuman Vision
Take a case reported by the Public Agenda Foundation which produced the first-ever survey of
educational views held by teachers college professors. To their surprise, the authors discovered
that the majority of nine hundred randomly selected professors of education interviewed did not
regard a teacher's struggle to maintain an orderly classroom or to cope with disruptive students as
major problems! The education faculty was generally unwilling to attend to these matters
seriously in their work, believing that widespread alarm among parents stemming from worry that
graduates couldn't spell, couldn't count accurately, couldn't sustain attention, couldn't write
grammatically (or write at all) was only caused by views of life "outmoded and mistaken."
While 92 percent of the public thinks basic reading, writing, and math competency is "absolutely
essential" (according to an earlier study by Public Agenda), education professors did not agree. In
the matter of mental arithmetic, which a large majority of ordinary people, including some
schoolteachers, consider very important, about 60 percent of education professors think cheap
calculators make that goal obsolete.
The word passion appears more than once in the report from which these data are drawn, as in the
following passage:
Education professors speak with passionate idealism about their own,
sometimes lofty, vision of education and the mission of teacher education
programs. The passion translates into ambitious and highly-evolved
expectations for future teachers, expectations that often differ dramatically
from those of parents and teachers now in the classroom. "The soul of a
teacher is what should be passed on from teacher to teacher," a Boston
professor said with some intensity. "You have to have that soul to be a good
teacher."
It's not my intention at this moment to recruit you to one or another side of this debate, but only
to hold you by the back of the neck as Uncle Bud (who you'll meet up ahead) once held mine and
point out that this vehicle has no brake pedal — ordinary parents and students have no way to
escape this passion. Twist and turn as they might, they will be subject to any erotic curiosity
inspired love arouses. In the harem of true belief, there is scant refuge from the sultan's lusty
gaze.
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Rain Forest Algebra
In the summer of 1997, a Democratic senator stood on the floor of the Senate denouncing the
spread of what he called "wacko algebra"; one widely distributed math text referred to in that
speech did not ask a question requiring algebraic knowledge until page 1 07. What replaced the
boredom of symbolic calculation were discussions of the role of zoos in community life, or
excursions to visit the fascinating Dogon tribe of West Africa. Whatever your own personal
attitude toward "rain forest algebra," as it was snidely labeled, you would be hard-pressed not to
admit one thing: its problems are almost computation-free. Whether you find the mathematical
side of social issues relevant or not isn't in question. Your attention should be fixed on the
existence of minds, nominally in charge of number enlightenment for your children, which
consider a private agenda more important than numbers.
One week last spring, the entire math homework in fifth grade at middle-class P.S. 87 on the
Upper West Side of Manhattan consisted of two questions: 1
1 . Historians estimate that when Columbus landed on what is now the island of Hati [this is
the spelling in the question] there were 250,000 people living there. In two years this
number had dropped to 125,000. What fraction of the people who had been living in
Hati when Columbus arrived remained? Why do you think the Arawaks died?
2. In 1 51 5 there were only 50,000 Arawaks left alive. In 1550 there were 500. If the same
number of people died each year, approximately how many people would have died each
year? In 1550 what percentage of the original population was left alive? How do you
feel about this?
Tom Loveless, professor at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard, has no doubt that
National Council of Teachers of Mathematics standards have deliberately de-emphasized math
skills, and he knows precisely how it was done. But like other vigorous dissenters who have tried
to arrest the elimination of critical intellect in children, he adduces no motive for the awesome
project which has worked so well up to now. Loveless believes that the "real reform project has
begun: writing standards that declare the mathematics children will learn." He maybe right, but I
am not so sanguine.
Elsewhere there are clues which should check premature optimism. In 1989, according to
Loveless, a group of experts in the field of math education launched a campaign "to change the
content and teaching of mathematics." This new math created state and district policies which
"tend to present math reform as religion" and identify as sinful behaviors teacher-delivered
instruction, individual student desk work, papers corrected for error. Teachers are ordered to
keep "an elaborate diary on each child's 'mathematical disposition.'"
Specific skills de-emphasized are: learning to use fractions, decimals, percents, integers, addition,
subtraction, multiplication, division — all have given way to working with manipulatives like beans
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and counting sticks (much as the Arawaks themselves would have done) and with calculators.
Parents worry themselves sick when fifth graders can't multiply 7 times 5 without hunting for
beans and sticks. Students who learn the facts of math deep down in the bone, says Loveless,
"gain a sense of number unfathomable to those who don't know them"
The question critics should ask has nothing to do with computation or reading ability and
everything to do with this: How does a fellow human being come to regard ordinary people's
children as experimental animals? What impulse triggers the pornographic urge to deprive kids of
volition, to fiddle with their lives? It is vital that you consider this or you will certainly fall victim
to appeals that you look at the worthiness of the outcomes sought and ignore the methods. This
appeal to pragmatism urges a repudiation of principle, sometimes even on the grounds that
modern physics "proves" there is no objective reality.
Whether children are better off or not being spared the effort of thinking algebraically may well be
a question worth debating but, if so, the burden of proof rests on the challenger. Short-circuiting
the right to choice is a rapist's tactic or a seducer's. If, behind a masquerade of number study,
some unseen engineer infiltrates the inner layers of a kid's consciousness — the type of subliminal
influence exerted in rain forest algebra — tinkering with the way a child sees the larger world, then
in a literal sense the purpose of the operation is to dehumanize the experimental subject by forcing
him or her into a predetermined consensus.
1 A P. S. 87 parent, Sol Stern, brought this information to my attention, adding this assessment,
"The idea that schools can starve children of factual knowledge and basic skills, yet somehow
teach critical thinking, defies common sense." Mr. Stern in his capacity as education editor of
New York's City Journal often writes eloquently of the metropolitan school scene.
Godless, But Not Irreligious
True believers are only one component of American schooling, as a fraction probably a small one,
but they constitute a tail that wags the dog because they possess a blueprint and access to policy
machinery, while most of the rest of us do not. The true believers we call great educators —
Komensky, Mather, Pestalozzi, Froebel, Mann, Dewey, Sears, Cubberley, Thorndike, et al. —
were ideologues looking for a religion to replace one they never had or had lost faith in. As an
abstract type, men like this have been analyzed by some of the finest minds in the history of
modern thought — Machiavelli, Tocqueville, Renan, William James to name a few — but the
clearest profile of the type was set down by Eric Hoffer, a one-time migrant farm worker who
didn't learn to read until he was fifteen years old. In The True Believer, a luminous modern
classic, Hoffer tells us:
Though ours is a godless age, it is the very opposite of irreligious. The true
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believer is everywhere on the march, shaping the world in his own image.
Whether we line up with him or against him, it is well we should know all we
can concerning his nature and potentialities.
It looks to me as if the energy to run this train was released in America from the stricken body of
New England Calvinism when its theocracy collapsed from indifference, ambition, and the
hostility of its own children. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, shortly after we became a
nation, this energy gave rise to what Allan Bloom dubbed "the new American religion," eventually
combining elements of old Calvinism with flavors of Anabaptism, Ranting, Leveling, Quakerism,
rationalism, positivism, and that peculiar Unitarian spice: scientism. 1
Where the parent form of American Calvinism had preached the rigorous exclusion of all but a
tiny handful deemed predestinated for salvation (the famous "Saints" or "justified sinners"), the
descendant faith, beginning about the time of the Great Awakening of the 1740s, demanded
universal inclusion, recruitment of everyone into a universal, unitarian salvation — whether they
would be so recruited or not. It was a monumental shift which in time infiltrated every American
institution. In its demand for eventual planetary unity the operating logic of this hybrid religion,
which derived from a medley of Protestant sects as well as from Judaism, in a cosmic irony was
intensely Catholic right down to its core.
After the Unitarian takeover of Harvard in 1805, orthodox Calvinism seemingly reached the end
of its road, but so much explosive energy had been tightly bound into this intense form of sacred
thought — an intensity which made every act, however small, brim with significance, every
expression of personality proclaim an Election or Damnation — that in its structural collapse, a
ferocious energy was released, a tornado that flashed across the Burned Over District of upstate
New York, crossing the lakes to Michigan and other Germanized outposts of North America,
where it split suddenly into two parts — one racing westward to California and the northwest
territories, another turning southwest to the Mexican colony called Texas. Along the way,
Calvin's by now much altered legacy deposited new religions like Mormonism and Seventh Day
Adventism, raised colleges like the University of Michigan and Michigan State (which would later
become fortresses of the new schooling religion) and left prisons, insane asylums, Indian
reservations, and poorhouses in its wake as previews of the secularized global village it aimed to
create.
School was to be the temple of a new, all-inclusive civil religion. Calvinism had stumbled, finally,
from being too self-contained. This new American form, learning from Calvinism's failure, aspired
to become a multicultural super-system, world-girdling in the fullness of time. Our recent military
invasions of Haiti, Panama, Iraq, the Balkans, and Afghanistan, redolent of the palmy days of
British empire, cannot be understood from the superficial justifications offered. Yet, with an eye
to Calvin's legacy, even foreign policy yields some of its secret springs. Calvinist origins armed
school thinkers from the start with a utilitarian contempt for the notion of free will.
Brain-control experiments being explored in the psychophysical labs of northern Germany in the
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last quarter of the nineteenth century attracted rich young men from thousands of prominent
American families. Such mind science seemed to promise that tailor-made technologies could
emerge to shape and control thought, technologies which had never existed before. Children, the
new psychologies suggested, could be emptied, denatured, then reconstructed to more
accommodating designs. H.G. Wells' Island of Dr. Moreau was an extrapolation-fable based on
common university-inspired drawing room conversations of the day.
David Hume's empirical philosophy, working together with John Locke's empiricism, had
prepared the way for social thinkers to see children as blank slates — an opinion predominant
among influentials long before the Civil War and implicit in Machiavelli, Bodin, and the Bacons.
German psychophysics and physiological psychology seemed a wonderful manufactory of the
tools a good political surgeon needed to remake the modern world. Methods for modifying
society and all its inhabitants began to crystallize from the insights of the laboratory. A good living
could be made by saying it was so, even if it weren't true. When we examine the new American
teacher college movement at the turn of this century we discover a resurrection of the
methodology of Prussian philosopher Herbart well underway. Although Herbart had been dead a
long time by then, he had the right message for the new age. According to Herbart, "Children
should be cut to fit."
1 This essay is packed with references to Unitarians, Quakers, Anglicans, and other sects because without
understanding something about their nature, and ambitions, it is utterly impossible to comprehend where school
came from and why it took the shape it did. Nevertheless, it should be kept in mind that I am always referring to
movements within these religions as they existed before the lifetime of any reader. Ideas set in motion long ago are
still in motion because they took institutional form, but I have little knowledge of the modern versions of these sects,
which for all I know are boiling a different kettle offish.
Three groups descending from the seventeenth-century Puritan Reformation in England have been principal
influences on American schooling, providing shape, infrastructure, ligatures, and intentions, although only one is
popularly regarded as Puritan — the New England Congregationalists. The Congregational mind in situ, first around
the Massachusetts coast, then by stages in the astonishing Connecticut Valley displacement (when Yale became its
critical resonator), has been exhaustively studied. But Quakers, representing the left wing of Puritan thought, and
Unitarians — that curious mirror obverse of Calvinism — are much easier to understand when seen as children of
Calvinist energy, too. These three, together with the episcopacy in New York and Philadelphia, gathered in
Columbia University and Penn, the Morgan Bank and elsewhere, have dominated the development of government
schooling. Baptist Brown and Baptist Chicago are important to understand, too, and important bases of Dissenter
variation like Presbyterian Princeton cannot be ignored, nor Baptist/Methodist centers at Dartmouth and Cornell, or
centers of Freethought like Johns Hopkins in Baltimore and New York University in New York City. But someone in
a hurry to understand where schooling came from and why it took the shape it did would not go far wrong by
concentrating attention on the machinations of Boston, Philadelphia, Hartford, and New York City in school affairs
from 1800 to 1850, or by simply examining the theologies of Congregationalism, Unitarianism, Hicksite and
Gurneyite Quakerism, and ultimately the Anglican Communion, to discover how these, in complex interaction, have
given us the forced schooling which so well suits their theologies.
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Compulsion Schooling
The center of the scheme was Massachusetts, the closest thing to a theocracy to have emerged in
America. The list below is a telling record of the long gap between the Massachusetts compulsory
law of 1852 and similar legislation adopted by the next set of states. Instructive also in the
chronology is the place taken by the District of Columbia, the seat of federal government.
Compulsory School Legislation
1852
Massachusetts
1875
Maine
1865
District of Columbia
New Jersey
1867
Vermont
1876
Wyoming Territory
1871
New Hampshire
1877
Ohio
Washington Territory
1879
Wisconsin
1872
Connecticut
1883
Rhode Island
New Mexico Territory
Illinois
1873
Nevada
Dakota Territory
1874
New York
Montana Territory
Kansas
California
Six other Western states and territories were added by 1890. Finally in 1918, sixty-six years after
the Massachusetts force legislation, the forty-eighth state, Mississippi, enacted a compulsory
school attendance law. Keep in mind Cubberley's words: everywhere there was "strenuous
opposition."
De-Moralizing School Procedure
But a strange thing happened as more and more children were drawn into the net, a crisis of an
unexpected sort. At first those primitive one -room and two-room compulsion schools — even the
large new secondary schools like Philadelphia's Central High — poured out large numbers of
trained, disciplined intellects. Government schoolteachers in those early days chose
overwhelmingly to emulate standards of private academies, and to a remarkable degree they
succeeded in unwittingly sabotaging the hierarchical plan being moved on line. Without a carefully
trained administrative staff (and most American schools had no administrators), it proved
impossible to impose the dumbing-down process 1 promised by the German prototype. In addition,
right through the 1920s, a skilled apprenticeship alternative was active in the United States,
traditional training that still honored our national mythology of success.
Ironically, the first crisis provoked by the new school institution was taking its rhetorical mandate
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too seriously. From it poured an abundance of intellectually trained minds at exactly the moment
when the national economy of independent livelihoods and democratic workplaces was giving
way to professionally managed, accountant-driven hierarchical corporations which needed no
such people. The typical graduate of a one-room school represented a force antithetical to the
logic of corporate life, a cohort inclined to judge leadership on its merit, one reluctant to confer
authority on mere titles. 2
Immediate action was called for. Cubberley's celebratory history doesn't examine motives, but
does uneasily record forceful steps taken just inside the new century to nip the career of
intellectual schooling for the masses in the bud, replacing it with a different goal: the forging of
"well-adjusted" citizens.
Since 1900, and due more to the activity of persons concerned with social
legislation and those interested in improving the moral welfare of children
than to educators themselves, there has been a general revision of the
compulsory education laws of our States and the enactment of much new
child-welfare. ..and anti-child-labor legislation.... These laws have brought into
the schools not only the truant and the incorrigible, who under former
conditions either left early or were expelled, but also many children... who
have no aptitude for book learning and many children of inferior mental
qualities who do not profit by ordinary classroom procedures.... Our schools
have come to contain many children who. ..become a nuisance in the school
and tend to demoralize school procedure, [emphasis added]
We're not going to get much closer to running face -to- face into the true believers and the
self-interested parties who imposed forced schooling than in Cubberley's mysterious "persons
concerned with social legislation." At about the time Cubberley refers to, Walter Jessup, president
of the University of Iowa, was publicly complaining, "Now America demands we educate the
whole.... It is a much more difficult problem to teach all children than to teach those who want to
learn."
Common sense should tell you it isn't "difficult" to teach children who don't want to learn. It's
impossible. Common sense should tell you "America" was demanding nothing of the sort. But
somebody most certainly was insisting on universal indoctrination in class subordination. The
forced attendance of children who want to be elsewhere, learning in a different way, meant the
short happy career of academic public schooling was deliberately foreclosed, with "democracy"
used as the excuse. The new inclusive pedagogy effectively doomed the bulk of American
children.
What you should take away from this is the deliberate introduction of children who "demoralize
school procedure," children who were accommodated prior to this legislation in a number of other
productive (and by no means inferior) forms of training, just as Benjamin Franklin had been.
Richard Hofstadter and other social historians have mistakenly accepted at face value official
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claims that "democratic tradition" — the will of the people — imposed this anti-intellectual diet on
the classroom. Democracy had nothing to do with it.
What we are up against is a strategic project supported by an uneasy coalition of elites, each with
its own private goals in mind for the common institution. Among those goals was the urge to go
to war against diversity, to impose orthodoxy on heterodox society. For an important clue to how
this was accomplished we return to Cubberley:
The school reorganized its teaching along lines dictated by the new psychology
of instruction which had come to us from abroad.... Beginning about 1880 to
1885 our schools began to experience a new but steady change in purpose
[though] it is only since about 1900 that any marked and rapid changes have
set in.
The new psychology of instruction cited here is the new experimental psychology of Wilhelm
Wundt at Leipzig, which dismissed the very existence of mind as an epiphenomenon. Children
were complex machines, capable of infinite "adjustments." Here was the beginning of that new
and unexpected genus of schooling which Bailyn said "troubled well-disposed, high-minded
people," and which elevated a new class of technocrat like Cubberley and Dewey to national
prominence. The intention to sell schooling as a substitute for faith is caught clearly in
Cubberley' s observation: "However much we may have lost interest in the old problems of faith
and religion, the American people have come to believe thoroughly in education." New subjects
replaced "the old limited book subject curriculum, both elementary and secondary."
This was done despite the objections of many teachers and citizens, and much
ridicule from the public press. Many spoke sneeringly of the new subjects.
Cubberley provides an accurate account of the prospective new City on the Hill for which "public
education" was to be a prelude, a City which rose hurriedly after the failed populist revolt of 1896
frightened industrial leaders. I've selected six excerpts from Cubberley's celebrated History which
allow you to see, through an insider's eyes, the game that was afoot a century ago as U.S. school
training was being fitted for its German uniform. (All emphasis in the list that follows is my own):
1. The Spanish- American War of 1898 served to awaken us as a nation... It revealed to us
something of the position we should be called on to occupy in world affairs....
2. For the two decades following.... the specialization of labor and the introduction of
labor-saving machinery took place to an extent before unknown.... The national and
state government were called upon to do many things for the benefit of the people never
attempted before.
3. Since 1898, education has awakened a public interest before unknown.... Everywhere
state educational commissions and city school surveys have evidenced a new critical
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attitude.... Much new educational legislation has been enacted; permission has been
changed to obligation; minimum requirements have been laid down by the States in
many new directions; and new subjects of instruction have been added by the law.
Courses of study have been entirely made over and new types of textbooks have
appeared A complete new system of industrial education, national in scope, has been
developed.
4. New normal schools have been founded and higher requirements have been ordered for
those desiring to teach. College departments of education have increased from eleven in
1891 to something like five hundred today [1919]. Private gifts to colleges and
universities have exceeded anything known before in any land. School taxes have been
increased, old school funds more carefully guarded, and new constitutional provisions as
to education have been added.
5. Compulsory education has begun to be a reality, and child- labor laws to be enforced.
6. A new interest in child-welfare and child-hygiene has arisen, evidencing commendable
desire to look after the bodies as well as the minds of children...
Here in a brief progression is one window on the problem of modern schooling. It set out to build
a new social order at the beginning of the twentieth century (and by 1970 had succeeded beyond
all expectations), but in the process it crippled the democratic experiment of America,
disenfranchising ordinary people, dividing families, creating wholesale dependencies, grotesquely
extending childhoods. It emptied people of full humanity in order to convert them into human
resources.
1 It was not really until the period around 1914 that sufficient teacher training facilities, regulated texts, con trolled
certification, uniform testing, stratified administrative cadres, and a sufficiently alienated public allowed the new age
of schooling to tentatively begin.
2 In conservative political theory dating back to Thucydides, meritocracy is seen as a box of trouble. It creates such
a competitive flux that no society can remain orderly and loyal to its governors because the governors can't
guarantee preferment in licensing, appointments, grants, etc., in return. Meritocratic successes, having earned their
place, are notoriously disrespectful. The most infamous meritocrat of history was Alcibiades, who ruined Athens, a
cautionary name known to every elite college class, debating society, lyceum, or official pulpit in America.
William Torrey Harris
If you have a hard time believing that this revolution in the contract ordinary Americans had with
their political state was intentionally provoked, it's time for you to meet William Torrey Harris,
U.S. Commissioner of Education from 1889 to 1906. No one, other than Cubberley, who rose out
of the ranks of professional pedagogues ever had as much influence as Harris. Harris both
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standardized and Germanized our schools. Listen to his voice from The Philosophy of Education,
published in 1906:
Ninety-nine [students] out of a hundred are automata, careful to walk in
prescribed paths, careful to follow the prescribed custom. This is not an
accident but the result of substantial education, which, scientifically defined, is
the subsumption of the individual.
-The Philosphy of Education (1906)
Listen to Harris again, giant of American schooling, leading scholar of German philosophy in the
Western hemisphere, editor and publisher of The Journal of Speculative Philosophy which trained
a generation of American intellectuals in the ideas of the Prussian thinkers Kant and Hegel, the
man who gave America scientifically age-graded classrooms to replace successful mixed-age
school practice. Again, from The Philosophy of Education, Harris sets forth his gloomy vision:
The great purpose of school can be realized better in dark, airless, ugly
places.... It is to master the physical self, to transcend the beauty of nature.
School should develop the power to withdraw from the external world.
—The Philosphy of Education (1906)
Nearly a hundred years ago, this schoolman thought self-alienation was the secret to successful
industrial society. Surely he was right. When you stand at a machine or sit at a computer you need
an ability to withdraw from life, to alienate yourself without a supervisor. How else could that be
tolerated unless prepared in advance by simulated Birkenhead drills? School, thought Harris, was
sensible preparation for a life of alienation. Can you say he was wrong?
In exactly the years Cubberley of Stanford identified as the launching time for the school
institution, Harris reigned supreme as the bull goose educator of America. His was the most
influential voice teaching what school was to be in a modern, scientific state. School histories
commonly treat Harris as an old-fashioned defender of high academic standards, but this analysis
is grossly inadequate. Stemming from his philosophical alignment with Hegel, Harris believed that
children were property and that the state had a compelling interest in disposing of them as it
pleased. Some would receive intellectual training, most would not. Any distinction that can be
made between Harris and later weak curriculum advocates (those interested in stupefaction for
everybody) is far less important than substantial agreement in both camps that parents or local
tradition could no longer determine the individual child's future.
Unlike any official schoolman until Conant, Harris had social access to important salons of power
in the United States. Over his long career he furnished inspiration to the ongoing obsessions of
Andrew Carnegie, the steel man who first nourished the conceit of yoking our entire economy to
cradle-to-grave schooling. If you can find copies of The Empire of Business (1902) or
Triumphant Democracy (1 886), you will find remarkable congruence between the world Carnegie
urged and the one our society has achieved.
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Carnegie's "Gospel of Wealth" idea took his peers by storm at the very moment the great school
transformation began — the idea that the wealthy owed society a duty to take over everything in
the public interest, was an uncanny echo of Carnegie's experience as a boy watching the elite
establishment of Britain and the teachings of its state religion. It would require perverse blindness
not to acknowledge a connection between the Carnegie blueprint, hammered into shape in the
Greenwich Village salon of Mrs. Botta after the Civil War, and the explosive developments which
restored the Anglican worldview to our schools.
Of course, every upper class in history has specified what can be known. The defining
characteristic of class control is its establishment of a grammar and vocabulary for ordinary
people, and for subordinate elites, too. If the rest of us uncritically accept certain official concepts
such as "globalization," then we have unwittingly committed ourselves to a whole intricate
narrative of society's future, too, a narrative which inevitably drags an irresistible curriculum in its
wake.
Since Aristotle, thinkers have understood that work is the vital theater of self-knowledge.
Schooling in concert with a controlled workplace is the most effective way to foreclose the
development of imagination ever devised. But where did these radical doctrines of true belief
come from? Who spread them? We get at least part of the answer from the tantalizing clue Walt
Whitman left when he said "only Hegel is fit for America." Hegel was the protean Prussian
philosopher capable of shaping Karl Marx on one hand and J.P. Morgan on the other; the man
who taught a generation of prominent Americans that history itself could be controlled by the
deliberate provoking of crises. Hegel was sold to America in large measure by William Torrey
Harris, who made Hegelianism his lifelong project and forced schooling its principal instrument in
its role as an unrivaled agent provocateur.
Harris was inspired by the notion that correctly managed mass schooling would result in a
population so dependent on leaders that schism and revolution would be things of the past. If a
world state could be cobbled together by Hegelian tactical manipulation, and such a school plan
imposed upon it, history itself would stop. No more wars, no civil disputes, just people waiting
around pleasantly like the Eloi in Wells' The Time Machine. Waiting for Teacher to tell them
what to do. The psychological tool was alienation. The trick was to alienate children from
themselves so they couldn't turn inside for strength, to alienate them from their families, religions,
cultures, etc., so that no countervailing force could intervene.
Carnegie used his own considerable influence to keep this expatriate New England Hegelian the
U.S. Commissioner of Education for sixteen years, long enough to set the stage for an era of
"scientific management" (or "Fordism" as the Soviets called it) in American schooling. Long
enough to bring about the rise of the multilayered school bureaucracy. But it would be a huge
mistake to regard Harris and other true believers as merely tools of business interests; what they
were about was the creation of a modern living faith to replace the Christian one which had died
for them. It was their good fortune to live at precisely the moment when the dreamers of the
empire of business (to use emperor Carnegie's label) for an Anglo-American world state were
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beginning to consider worldwide schooling as the most direct route to that destination.
Both movements, to centralize the economy and to centralize schooling, were aided immeasurably
by the rapid disintegration of old-line Protestant churches and the rise from their pious ashes of
the "Social Gospel" ideology, aggressively underwritten by important industrialists, who
intertwined church-going tightly with standards of business, entertainment, and government. The
experience of religion came to mean, in the words of Reverend Earl Hoon, "the best social
programs money can buy." A clear statement of the belief that social justice and salvation were to
be had through skillful consumption.
Shailer Mathews, dean of Chicago's School of Divinity, editor of Biblical World, president of the
Federal Council of Churches, wrote his influential Scientific Management in the Churches (1912)
to convince American Protestants they should sacrifice independence and autonomy and adopt the
structure and strategy of corporations:
If this seems to make the Church something of a business establishment, it is
precisely what should be the case.
If Americans listened to the corporate message, Mathews told them they would feel anew the
spell of Jesus.
In the decade before WWI, a consortium of private foundations drawing on industrial wealth
began slowly working toward a long-range goal of lifelong schooling and a thoroughly
rationalized global economy and society.
Cardinal Principles
Frances Fitzgerald, in her superb study of American textbooks, America Revised, notes that
schoolbooks are superficial and mindless, that they deliberately leave out important ideas, that
they refuse to deal with conflict — but then she admits to bewilderment. What could the plan be
behind such texts? Is the composition of these books accidental or deliberate?
Sidestepping an answer to her own question, Fitzgerald traces the changeover to a pair of
influential NEA reports published in 191 1 and 191 8 which reversed the scholarly determinations
of the blue-ribbon "Committee of Ten" report of 1893. That committee laid down a rigorous
academic program for all schools and for all children, giving particular emphasis to history. It
asserted, "The purpose of all education is to train the mind." The NEA reports of 191 1 and 1918
denote a conscious abandonment of this intellectual imperative and the substitution of some very
different guiding principles. These statements savagely attack "the bookish curricula" which are
"responsible for leading tens of thousands of boys and girls away from pursuits for which they are
adapted," toward pursuits for which they are not — like independent businesses, invention, white
collar work, or the professions.
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Books give children "false ideals of culture." These reports urged the same kinds of drill which lay
at the core of Prussian commoner schools. An interim report of 1917 also proposes that emphasis
be shifted away from history to something safer called "social studies"; the thrust was away from
any careful consideration of the past so that attention might be focused on the future. That 1918
NEA Report, "Cardinal Principles of Secondary Education," for all its maddening banality, was to
prove over time one of the most influential education documents of the twentieth century. It
decreed that specified behaviors, health, and vocational training were the central goals of
education, not mental development, not character, not godliness.
Fitzgerald wrote she could not find a name for "the ideology that lies behind these texts." The way
they handle history, for instance, is not history at all, "but a catechism... of American socialist
realism." More than once she notes "actual hostility to the notion of intellectual training." Passion,
in partnership with impatience for debate, is one good sign of the presence of true belief.
The most visible clue to the degree true belief was at work in mass schooling in the early decades
of this century is the National Education Association's 1918 policy document. Written entirely in
the strangely narcotic diction and syntax of official pedagogy, which makes it almost impenetrable
to outsiders, Cardinal Principles announced a new de-intellectualized curriculum to replace the
famous recipe for high goals and standards laid out three decades earlier by the legendary
Committee of Ten, which declared the purpose of all education to be the training of the mind.
This new document contradicted its predecessor. In a condemnation worth repeating, it accused
that older testament of forcing impossible intellectual ambitions on common children, of turning
their empty heads, giving them "false ideals of culture." The weight of such statements, full of
assumptions and implications, cannot easily be felt through its abstract language, but if you
recognize that its language conceals a mandate for the mass dumbing down of young Americans,
then some understanding of the magnitude of the successful political coup which had occurred
comes through to penetrate the fog. The repudiation of the Committee of Ten was reinforced by a
companion report proposing that history, economics, and geography be dropped at once.
What Cardinal Principles gave proof of was that stage one of a silent revolution in American
society was complete. Children could now be taught anything, or even taught nothing in the
part-time prisons of schooling, and there was little any individual could do about it. Bland
generalities in the document actually served as potent talismans to justify the engineering of
stupefaction. Local challenges could be turned back, local challengers demonized and
marginalized, just by waving the national standards of Cardinal Principles as proof of one's
legitimacy.
Venal motives as well as ideological ones were served by the comprehensive makeover of
schooling, and palms incidentally greased in the transition soon found themselves defending it for
their own material advantage. Schools quickly became the largest jobs project in the country, an
enormous contractor for goods and services, one always willing to pay top dollar for bottom-shelf
merchandise in a dramatic reversal of economic theory. There are no necessary economies in
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large- scale purchasing; 1 school is proof of that.
Cardinal Principles assured mass production technocrats they would not have to deal with
intolerable numbers of independent thinkers — thinkers stuffed with dangerous historical
comparisons, who understood economics, who had insight into human nature through literary
studies, who were made stoical or consensus-resistant by philosophy and religion, and given
confidence and competence through liberal doses of duty, responsibility, and experience.
The appearance of Cardinal Principles signaled the triumph of forces which had been working
since the 1890s to break the hold of complex reading, debate, and writing as the common heritage
of children reared in America. Like the resourcefulness and rigors of character that small farming
conveyed, complex and active literacy produces a kind of character antagonistic to hierarchical,
expert-driven, class-based society. As the nature of American society was moved deliberately in
this direction, forges upon which a different kind of American had been hammered were
eliminated. We see this process nearly complete in the presentation of Cardinal Principles.
We always knew the truth in America, that almost everyone can learn almost anything or be
almost anything. But the problem with that insight is that it can't co-exist with any known form of
modern social ordering. Each species of true belief expresses some social vision or another, some
holy way to arrange relationships, time, values, etc., in order to drive toward a settlement of the
great question, "Why are we alive?" The trouble with a society which encourages argument, as
America's did until the mid-twentieth century, is that there is no foreseeable end to the argument.
No way to lock the door and announce that your own side has finally won. No certainty.
Our most famous true believers, the Puritans, thought they could build a City on the Hill and keep
the riffraff out. When it became obvious that exclusion wasn't going to work, their children and
grandchildren did an about-face and began to move toward a totally inclusive society (though not
a free one). It would be intricately layered into social classes like the old British system. This time
God's will wouldn't be offered as reason for the way things were arranged by men. This time
Science and Mathematics would justify things, and children would be taught to accept the
inevitability of their assigned fates in the greatest laboratory of true belief ever devised: the
Compulsion Schoolhouse.
1 I remember the disbelief I felt the day I discovered that as a committee of one I could easily buy paper, milk, and
any number of other school staples cheaper than my school district did.
The Unspeakable Chautauqua
One man left us a dynamic portrait of the great school project prematurely completed in
miniature: William James, an insider's insider, foremost (and first) psychologist of America,
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brother of novelist Henry James. James' prestige as a most formidable Boston brahmin launched
American psychology. Without him it's touch and go whether it would have happened at all. His
Varieties of Religious Experience is unique in the American literary canon; no wonder John
Dewey dropped Hegel and Herbart after a brief flirtation with the Germans and attached himself
to James and his philosophy of pragmatism (which is the Old Norse religion brought up to date).
But James was too deep a thinker to believe his own screed fully. In a little book called Talks to
Teachers, which remains in print today, over a hundred years after it was written, James disclosed
his ambivalence about the ultimate dream of schooling in America.
It was no Asiatic urge to enslave, no Midas fantasy of unlimited wealth, no conspiracy of class
warfare but only the dream of a comfortable, amusing world for everyone, the closest thing to an
Augustan pastoral you could imagine — the other side of the British Imperial coin. England's
William Morris and John Ruskin and perhaps Thomas Carlyle were the literary godfathers of this
dream society to come, a society already realized in a few cloistered spots on earth, on certain
great English estates and at the mother center of the Chautauqua movement in western New
York.
In 1 899, James spoke to an idealistic new brigade of teachers recruited by Harvard, men and
women meant to inspirit the new institution then rising swiftly from the ashes of the older
neighborhood schools, private schools, church schools, and home schools. He spoke to the
teachers of the dream that the entire planet could be transformed into a vast Chautauqua. Before
you hear what he had to say, you need to know a little about Chautauqua.
On August 10, 1 878, John H. Vincent announced his plan for the formation of a study group to
undertake a four-year program of guided reading for ordinary citizens. The Chautauqua Literary
and Scientific Circle signed up two hundred people its first hour, eighty-four hundred by year's
end. Ten years later, enrollment had grown to one hundred thousand. At least that many more had
completed four years or fallen out after trying. In an incredibly short period of time every
community in the United States had somebody in it following the Chautauqua reading program.
One of its teachers, Melvil Dewey, developed the Dewey Decimal System still in use in libraries.
The reading list was ambitious. It included Green's Short History of the English People, full of
specific information about the original Anglo-Saxon tribes and their child-rearing
customs — details which proved strikingly similar to the habits of upper-class Americans. Another
Chautauqua text, Mahaffey's Old Greek Life, dealt with the Utopia of Classical Greece. It showed
how civilization could only rise on the backs of underclass drudges. Many motivations to "Go
Chautauqua" existed: love of learning, the social urge to work together, the thrill of competition
in the race for honorary seals and diplomas which testified to a course completed, the desire to
keep up with neighbors.
The Chautauqua movement gave settlers of the Midwest and Far West a common Anglo-German
intellectual heritage to link up with. This grassroots vehicle of popular education offered
illustrations of principles to guide anyone through any difficulty. And in Chautauqua, New York
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itself, at the Mother Center, a perfect jewel of a rational utopia was taking shape, attended by the
best and brightest minds in American society. You'll see it in operation just ahead with its soda
pop fountains and model secondary schools.
The great driving force behind Chautauqua in its early years was William Rainey Harper, a Yale
graduate with a Ph.D. in philology, a man expert in ancient Hebrew, a prominent Freemason.
Harper attracted a great deal of attention in his Chautauqua tenure. He would have been a
prominent name on the national scene for that alone, even without his connection to the famous
publishing family.
John Vincent, Chautauqua's founder, had been struck by the vision of a world college described
in Bacon's utopia, one crowded and bustling with international clientele and honored names as
faculty. "Chautauqua will exalt the profession of teacher until the highest genius, the richest
scholarship, and the broadest manhood and womanhood of the nation are consecrated to this
service," Vincent once said. His explanation of the movement:
We expect the work of Chautauqua will be to arouse so much interest in the
subject of general liberal education that by and by in all quarters young men
and women will be seeking means to obtain such education in established
resident institutions.... Our diploma, though radiant with thirty-one
seals — shields, stars, octagons — would not stand for much at Heidelberg,
Oxford, or Harvard.. .an American curiosity.... It would be respected not as
conferring honor upon its holder, but as indicating a popular movement in
favor of higher education.
Chautauqua's leaders felt their institution was a way station in America's progress to something
higher. By 1886 Chautauqua was well-known all over. The new University of Chicago, which
Harper took over five years later, was patterned on the Chautauqua system, which in turn was
superimposed over the logic of the German research university. Together with Columbia Teachers
College, Yale, Michigan, Wisconsin, Stanford, and a small handful of others, Chicago would
provide the most important visible leadership for American public school policy well into the
twentieth century.
At the peak of its popularity, eight thousand American communities subscribed to Chautauqua's
programmatic evangelism. The many tent-circuit Chautauquas simultaneously operating presented
locals with the latest ideas in social progress, concentrating on self-improvement and social
betterment through active Reform with a capital "R." But in practice, entertainment often
superseded educational values because the temptation to hype the box-office draw was insidious.
Over time, Progress came to be illustrated dramatically for maximum emotional impact. Audience
reactions were then studied centrally and adjustments were made in upcoming shows using what
had been learned. What began as education ended as show business. Its legacy is all over modern
schooling in its spurious concept of Motivation.
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Tent-Chautauqua did a great deal to homogenize the United States as a nation. It brought to the
attention of America an impressive number of new ideas and concepts, always from a
management perspective. What seemed even-handed was seldom that. The classic problem of
ethical teaching is how to avoid influencing an audience to think a certain way by the use of
psychological trickery. In this, Chautauqua failed. But even a partial list of developments credited
to Chautauqua is impressive evidence of the influence of this early mass communication device, a
harbinger of days ahead. We have Chautauqua to thank in some important part for the graduated
income tax, for slum clearance as a business opportunity, juvenile courts, the school lunch
program, free textbooks, a "balanced" diet, physical fitness, the Camp Fire Girls, the Boy Scout
movement, pure food laws, and much, much more.
One of the most popular Chautauqua speeches was titled "Responsibilities of the American
Citizen." The greatest responsibility was to listen to national leaders and get out of the way of
progress. Ideas presented during Chautauqua Week were argued and discussed after the tents
were gone. The most effective kind of indoctrination, according to letters which passed among
Chautauqua's directors, is always "self-inflicted." In the history of American orthodoxies,
Chautauqua might seem a quaint sort of villain, but that's because technology soon offered a way
through radio to "Chautauqua" on a grander scale, to Chautauqua simultaneously from coast to
coast. Radio inherited tent- Chautauqua, presenting us with model heroes and families to emulate,
teaching us all to laugh and cry the same way. The great dream of Utopians, that we all behave
alike like bees in a hive or ants in a hill, was brought close by Chautauqua, closer by radio, even
closer by television, and to the threshold of universal reality by the World Wide Web.
The chapter in nineteenth-century history, which made Chautauqua the harbinger of the new
United States, is not well enough appreciated. Ideas like evolution, German military tactics,
Froebel's kindergartens, Hegelian philosophy, cradle -to-grave schooling, and systems of complete
medical policing were all grist for Chautauqua's mill — nothing was too esoteric to be popularized
for a mass audience by the circuit of tent-Chautauqua. But above all, Chautauqua loved Science.
Science was the commodity it retailed most energetically. A new religion for a new day.
The Chautauqua operation had been attractively planned and packaged by a former president of
Masonic College (Georgia), William Rainey Harper, a man whose acquaintance you made on the
previous page. Dr. Harper left Chautauqua eventually to become Rockefeller's personal choice to
head up a new German-style research university Rockefeller brought into being in 1890, the
University of Chicago. He would eventually become an important early patron of John Dewey and
other leading lights of pedagogy. But his first publicly acclaimed triumph was Chautauqua. Little
is known of his work at Masonic College; apparently it was impressive enough to bring him to the
attention of the most important Freemasons in America.
The real Chautauqua was not the peripatetic tent version but a beautiful Disney-like world: a
village on a lake in upstate New York. William James went for a day to lecture at Chautauqua and
"stayed for a week to marvel and learn" — his exact words of self-introduction to those teachers he
spoke to long ago at Harvard. What he saw at Chautauqua was the ultimate realization of all
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reasonable thought solidified into one perfect working community. Utopia for real. Here it is as
James remembered it for students and teachers:
A few summers ago I spent a happy week at the famous Assembly Grounds on the borders of
Chautauqua Lake. The moment one treads that sacred enclosure, one feels one's self in an
atmosphere of success. Sobriety and industry, intelligence and goodness, orderliness and reality,
prosperity and cheerfulness pervade the air. It is a serious and studious picnic on a gigantic scale.
Here you have a town of many thousands of inhabitants, beautifully laid out in
the forest and drained, and equipped with means for satisfying all the necessary
lower and most of the superfluous higher wants of man. You have a first class
college in full blast. You have magnificent music — a chorus of 700 voices, with
possibly the most perfect open-air auditorium in the world.
You have every sort of athletic exercise from sailing, rowing, swimming,
bicycling, to the ball field and the more artificial doings the gymnasium affords.
You have kindergarten and model secondary schools. You have general
religious services and special club-houses for the several sects. You have
perpetually running soda-water fountains and daily popular lectures by
distinguished men. You have the best of company and yet no effort.
You have no diseases, no poverty, no drunkenness, no crime, no police. You
have culture, you have kindness, you have equality, you have the best fruits of
what mankind has fought and bled and striven for under the name of
civilization for centuries. You have, in short, a foretaste of what human society
might be were it all in the light with no suffering and dark corners.
Flickering around the edges of James' description is a dawning consciousness that something is
amiss — like those suspicions of some innocent character on an old Twilight Zone show: it's so
peaceful, so pretty and clean... it... it looks like Harmony, but I just have this terrible feeling
that... something is wrong...!
When James left Chautauqua he realized he had seen spread before him the realization on a
sample scale of all the ideals for which a scientific civilization strives: intelligence, humanity, and
order. Then why his violently hostile reaction? "What a relief," he said, "to be out of there." There
was no sweat, he continued disdainfully, "in this unspeakable Chautauqua." "No sight of the
everlasting battle of the powers of light with those of darkness." No heroism. No struggle. No
strength. No "strenuousness."
James cried aloud for the sight of the human struggle, and in a fit of pessimism, he said to the
schoolteachers:
An irremediable flatness is coming over the world. Bourgeoisie and mediocrity,
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church sociables and teachers' conventions are taking the place of the old
heights and depths.... The whole world, delightful and sinful as it may still
appear for a moment to one just escaped from the Chautauquan enclosure, is
nevertheless obeying more and more just those ideals sure to make of it in the
end a mere Chautauqua Assembly on an enormous scale.
A mere Chautauqua assembly? Is that all this monument to intelligence and order adds up to?
Realizing the full horror of this country's first theme park, James would seem to have experienced
an epiphany:
The scales seemed to fall from my eyes; and a wave of sympathy greater than
anything I had ever before felt with the common life of common men began to
fill my soul. It began to seem as if virtue with horny hands and dirty skin were
the only virtue genuine and vital enough to take account of. Every other virtue
poses; none is absolutely unconscious and simple, unexpectant of decoration or
recognition like this. These are our soldiers, thought I, these our sustainers,
these are the very parents of our lives.
Near the end of his life, James finally understood what the trap was, an overvaluation placed on
order, rational intelligence, humanism, and material stuff of all sorts. The search for a material
paradise is a flight away from humanity into the sterile nonlife of mechanisms where everything is
perfect until it becomes junk.
At the end of 1997, Chautauqua was back in the news. A young man living there had deliberately
infected at least nine girls in the small town adjoining — and perhaps as many as
twenty-eight — with AIDS. He picked out most of his victims from the local high school, looking
for, as he put it, "young ladies.. .in a risk-taking mode." A monster like this AIDS predator could
turn up anywhere, naturally, but I was struck by the irony that he had found the very protected
lakeside hamlet with its quaint nineteenth-century buildings and antique shops, this idyllic spot
where so many of the true beliefs of rationality made their American debut, as the place to
encounter women unprepared to know the ways of the human heart. "In a risk-taking mode" as he
puts it in instructively sociological jargon.
Have over a hundred years of the best rational thinking and innovation the Western world can
muster made no other impact on the Chautauqua area than to set up its children to be preyed
upon? A columnist for a New York paper, writing about the tragedy, argued that condom
distribution might have helped, apparently unaware that the legitimization of birth control devices
in the United States was just one of many achievements claimed by Chautauqua.
Other remarks the reporter made were more to the point of why we need to be skeptical whether
any kind of schooling — and Chautauqua's was the best human ingenuity could offer — is sufficient
to make good people or good places:
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The area has the troubles and social problems of everywhere. Its kids are
lonely in a crowd, misunderstood, beyond understanding and seeking love, as
the song says, in all the wrong places.... Once, intact families, tightly knit
neighborhoods and stay-at-home mothers enforced community norms. Now
the world is the mall, mothers work, and community exists in daytime
television and online chat rooms.
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Chapter 6
The Lure Of Utopia
Every morning when you picked up your newspaper you would read of some
new scheme for saving the world.. .soon all the zealots, all the Come-Outers,
all the transcendentalists of Boston gathered at the Chardon Street Chapel
and harangued each other for three mortal days. They talked on
nonresistance and the Sabbath reform, of the Church and the Ministry, and
they arrived at no conclusions. "It was the most singular collection of strange
specimens of humanity that was ever assembled, " wrote Edmund Quincy, and
Emerson was even more specific: "Madmen, madwomen, men with beards,
Dunkers, Muggletonians, Come-Outers, Groaners, Agrarians, Seventh-day
Baptists, Quakers, Abolitionists, Calvinists, Unitarians, and Philosophers, all
came successively to the top and seized their moment, if not their hour,
wherein to chide, or pray, or preach or protest. ...There was some-thing
artificial about the Chardon Street debates, there was a hothouse atmosphere
in the chapel. There was too much suffering fools gladly, there was too much
talk, too much display of learning and of wit, and there was, for all the talk of
tolerance, an unchristian spirit.
— Henry Steele Commager, Theodore Parker
So Fervently Do We Believe
The cries of true believers are all around the history of schooling, thick as gulls at a garbage
dump.
School principal Debbie Reeves of the upscale Barnwell Elementary School in an Atlanta suburb
was quoted recently by the USA Today newspaper as the author of this amazing testimonial of
true belief, "I'm not sure you ever get to the point you have enough technology. We just believe
so fervently in it."
It's that panting excitement you want to keep an eye out for, that exaggerated belief in human
perfectibility that Tocqueville noticed in Americans 170 years ago. The same newspaper article
wanders through the San Juan Elementary School in the very heart of Silicon Valley. There,
obsolete computers sit idle in neat rows at the back of a spacious media center where years ago a
highly touted "open classroom" with a sunken common area drew similar enthusiasm. The school
lacks resources for the frequent updates needed to boast state-of-the-art equipment. A district
employee said: "One dying technology on top of a former dying technology, sort of like layers of
an archaeological dig."
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America has always been a land congenial to Utopian thought. The Mayflower Compact is a
testimonial to this. Although its signers were trapped in history, they were ahistorical, too,
capable of acts and conceptions beyond the imagination of their parents. The very thinness of
constituted authority, the high percentage of males as colonists — homeless, orphaned, discarded,
marginally attached, uprooted males — encouraged dreams of a better time to come. Here was soil
for a better world where kindly strangers take charge of children, loving and rearing them more
skillfully than their ignorant parents had ever done.
Religion flourished in the same medium, too, particularly the Independent and Dissenting religious
traditions of England. The extreme rationalism of the Socinian heresy and deism, twin roots of
America's passionate romance with science and technology to come, flourished too. Most
American sects were built on a Christian base, but the absence of effective state or church
monopoly authority in early America allowed 250 years of exploration into a transcendental
dimension no other Western nation ever experienced in modern history, leaving a wake of sects
and private pilgrimages which made America the heir of ancient Israel — a place where everyone,
even free thinkers, actively trusted in a god of some sort.
Without Pope or Patriarch, without an Archbishop of Canterbury, the episcopal principle behind
state and corporate churches lacked teeth, allowing people here to find their own way in the
region of soul and spirit. This turned out to be fortunate, a precondition for our laboratory policy
of national utopianism which required that every sort of visionary be given scope to make a case.
It was a matter of degree, of course. Most Americans, most of the time, were much like people
back in England, Scotland, Scandinavia, Germany, and Ireland, from which domains they had
originally derived. After all, the Revolution itself was prosecuted by less than a quarter of our
population. But enough of the other sort existed as social yeast that nobody could long escape
some plan, scheme, exhortation, or tract designed to lead the faithful into one or another
Promised Land. For the most part, Old Testament principles reigned, not New, and the Prophets
had a good part of the national ear.
From 1830 to 1900, over one thousand Utopian colonies flourished around the country, colonies
which mixed the races, like Fanny Wright's Neshoba in Tennessee, colonies built around intensive
schooling like New Harmony in Indiana, colonies which encouraged free love and commonly
shared sexual partners as did the Perfectionists at Oneida in upstate New York. In the wonderful
tapestry of American Utopian thought and practice, one unifying thread stands out clearly. Long
before the notion of forced schooling became household reality, Utopian architects universally
recognized that schooling was the key to breaking with the past. The young had to be isolated,
and drilled in the correct way of looking at things or all would fall apart when they grew up. Only
the tiniest number of these intentional communities ever did solve that problem, and so almost all
vanished after a brief moment. But the idea itself lingered on.
In this chapter I want to push a bit into the lure of Utopia, because this strain in human nature
crisscrosses the growth curve of compulsion schooling at many junctures. Think of it as a search
for the formula to change human nature in order to build paradise on earth. Such an idea is in
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flagrant opposition to the dominant religion of the Western world, whose theology teaches that
human nature is permanently flawed, that all human salvation must be individually undertaken.
Even if you aren't used to considering school this way, it isn't hard to see that a curriculum to
reach the first end would have to be different from that necessary to reach the second, and the
purpose of the educator is all important. It is simply impossible to evaluate what you see in a
school without knowing its purpose, but if local administrators have no real idea why they do
what they do — why they administer standardized tests, for instance, then any statement of
purpose made by the local school can only confuse the investigator. To pursue the elusive purpose
or purposes of American schooling as they were conceived about a century ago requires that we
wander afield from the classroom into some flower beds of Utopian aspiration which reared their
head in an earlier America.
The Necessity Of Detachment
Hertzler's History of Utopian Thought traces the influence of Francis Bacon's New Atlantis, a
book you need to know something about if you are ever to adequately understand the roots of
modern schooling. Hertzler makes a good case from the testimony of its founders that the Royal
Society itself arose from the book's prophetic scheme of "Salomon's House," a world university
assembling the best of universal mankind under its protection. One of its functions: to oversee
management of everything.
New Atlantis had immense influence in England, Germany, Italy, and France. In France it was
considered the principal inspiration of the Encyclopedia whose connection to the American
Revolution is a close one. That story has been told too many times to bear repeating here. Suffice
it to say that the very same triangle-encased eye that appears on the back of the American dollar
appears as the center of Solomon's Temple in early eighteenth-century French artistic
representations.
One consistent requirement of Utopian procedure is the detachment of its subjects from ordinary
human affairs. Acting with detached intelligence is what Utopians are all about, but a biological
puzzle intrudes: detaching intelligence from emotional life isn't actually possible. The feat has
never been performed, although imaginative writers are endlessly intrigued by the challenge it
presents. Sherlock Holmes or Mr. Spock of Star Trek fame come to mind.
Utopian thinking is intolerant of variety or competition, so the tendency of modern Utopians to
enlarge their canvas to include the whole planet through multinational organizations becomes
disturbing. Utopians regard national sovereignty as irrational and democracy as a disease
unjustified by biological reality. We need one world, they say, and that one world should
(reasonably) be under direction of the best Utopians. Democracy degrades the hierarchy necessary
to operate a rational polity. A feature of nearly all Utopias has been addiction to elaborate social
machinery like schooling and to what we can call marvelous machinery. Excessive human
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affection between parents, children, husbands, wives, et al, is suppressed to allow enthusiasm for
machine magic to stand out in bold relief.
1 It is useful to remember that Britain's Royal Society was founded not in the pursuit of pure
knowledge and not by university dons but by practical businessmen and noblemen concerned with
increased profits and lower wages.
Enlarging The Nervous System
There is a legend that in lost Atlantis once stood a great university in the form of an immense
flat-topped pyramid from which star observations were made. In this university, most of the arts
and sciences of the present world were contained. Putting aside that pleasant fancy which we can
find clearly reflected on the obverse of our American Great Seal, almost any early utopia holds a
profusion of inside information about things to come. In 1641 Bishop John Wilkins, a founder of
the Royal Society, wrote his own utopia, Mercury: or the Secret and Swift Messenger. Every
single invention Wilkins imagined has come about: "a flying chariot," "a trunk or hollow pipe that
shall preserve the voice entirely," a code for communicating by means of noise -makers, etc.
Giphantia, by de la Roche, unmistakably envisions the telephone, the radio, television, and
dehydrated foods and drinks. Even the mechanisms suggested to make these things work are very
like the actual ones eventually employed.
Marshall McLuhan once called on us to notice that all machines are merely extensions of the
human nervous system, artifices which improve on natural apparatus, each a utopianization of
some physical function. Once you understand the trick, Utopian prophecy isn't so impressive.
Equally important, says McLuhan, the use of machinery causes its natural flesh and blood
counterpart to atrophy, hence the lifeless quality of the Utopias. Machines dehumanize, according
to McLuhan, wherever they are used and however sensible their use appears. In a correctly
conceived demonology, the Devil would be perceived as a machine, I think. Yet the powerful,
pervasive influence of Utopian reform thinking on the design of modern states has brought Utopian
mechanization of all human functions into the councils of statecraft and into the curriculum of
state schooling.
An important part of the virulent, sustained attack launched against family life in the United
States, starting about 150 years ago, arose from the impulse to escape fleshly reality. Interestingly
enough, the overwhelming number of prominent social reformers since Plato have been childless,
usually childless men, in a dramatic illustration of escape-discipline employed in a living tableau.
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Producing Artificial Wants
Beginning about 1840, a group calling itself the Massachusetts School Committee held a series of
secret discussions involving many segments of New England political and business leadership. 1
Stimulus for these discussions, often led by the politician Horace Mann, was the deterioration of
family life that the decline of agriculture was leaving in its wake. 2
A peculiar sort of dependency and weakness caused by mass urbanization was acknowledged by
all with alarm. The once idyllic American family situation was giving way to widespread industrial
serfdom. Novel forms of degradation and vice were appearing.
And yet at the same time, a great opportunity was presented. Plato, Augustine, Erasmus, Luther,
Calvin, Hobbes, Rousseau, and a host of other insightful thinkers, sometimes referred to at the
Boston Athenaeum as "The Order of the Quest," all taught that without compulsory universal
schooling the idiosyncratic family would never surrender its central hold on society to allow
Utopia to become reality. Family had to be discouraged from its function as a sentimental haven,
pressed into the service of loftier ideals — those of the perfected State.
Mann saw that society's "guards and securities" had to increase because an unsuspected
pathological phenomenon was following the introduction of mass production into life. It was
producing "artificial wants." It was multiplying the temptation to accumulate things. But the
barbarous life of the machine laborer made family ideals a hollow mockery. Morality could no
longer be taught by such families. Crime and vice were certain to explode unless children could be
pried away from their degraded custodians and civilized according to formulas laid down by the
best minds.
Barnas Sears, Mann's Calvinist colleague, saw the rapid growth of commercial mass
entertainment catering to dense urban settlements as "a current of sensuality sweeping everything
before it." Former bucolics, who once looked to nature for entertainment, were now pawns in the
hands of worldly wisemen vending commercial amusement. Urban confinement robbed men and
women of their ability to find satisfaction outside the titillation of mechanical excitation. Whoever
provided excitement became the master.
Mann's other colleague, George Boutwell, who would inherit the leadership of New England
education from Sears, argued that a course must be selected from which there could be no turning
back. Urbanization spelled the collapse of worker families; there was no remedy for it. Fathers
were grossly diverted by nonagricultural labor from training their own children. Claims of a right
to society and fashion led to neglect by mothers, too. "As in some languages there is no word
which expresses the true idea of home," said Boutwell, "so in our manufacturing towns there are
many persons who know nothing of its reality."
Mann proclaimed the State must assert itself as primary parent of children. If an infant's natural
parents were removed — or if parental ability failed (as was increasingly certain) — it was the duty
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of government to step in and fill the parent's place. Mann noted that Massachusetts had a long
tradition of being "parental in government." His friend Sears described the State as "a nourishing
mother, as wise as she is beneficent. Yet, should difficulties arise, the State might become
stern — as befits a ruling patriarch." (emphasis added)
1 Much light on these developments is shed by Michael Katz's The Irony of Early School Reform and by Joel
Spring's historical writings. Both writers are recommended for a dense mine of information; both strike a good
balance between the perspective supplied by their personal philosophies and reportage without allegiance to any
particular dogma.
2 The decline of American agriculture was part of a movement to replicate the centralized pattern found in Britain,
which had deliberately destroyed its own small farm holdings by 1800. Agriculture had been conducted on a
capitalist basis in Britain since the notorious enclosure movement prompted by the growth of farming. In its first
stage, peasants were displaced to make room for large-scale pasture farming. The second displacement
transformed the small farmer into the "farm hand" or the factory worker.
Capitalist farming was established in Britain side by side with a growing manufacturing industry which made it
possible to rely on the import of foodstuffs from abroad. Freely imported food meant cheap food. Cheap food meant
cheap labor. The development of factory farming in America (and Australia) provided an outlet for the investment of
surplus capital at good rates of interest; hence the decline of small farming in America was hastened considerably
by direct inducements from its former motherland. Although as late as 1934, 33 percent of American employment
was still in agriculture (versus 7 percent in Great Britain), the curriculum of small farm, which encouraged
resourcefulness, independence, and self-reliance, was fast giving way to the curriculum of government education
which called for quite a different character.
The Parens Patriae Powers
The 1852 compulsory schooling legislation of Massachusetts represents a fundamental change in
the jurisprudence of parental authority, as had the adoption act passed by the nearly identically
constituted legislature just four years prior, the first formal adoption legislation anywhere on earth
since the days of the Roman Empire. Acts so radical could not have passed silently into practice if
fundamental changes in the status of husbands and wives, parents and children, had not already
gravely damaged the prestige of the family unit.
There are clear signs as far back as 1796 that elements in the new American state intended to
interpose themselves in corners of the family where no European state had ever gone before. In
that year, the Connecticut Superior Court, representing the purest Puritan lineage of original New
England, introduced "judicial discretion" into the common law of child custody and a new
conception of youthful welfare hardly seen before outside the pages of philosophy books — the
notion that each child had an individual destiny, a private "welfare" independent of what happened
to the rest of its family.
A concept called "psychological parenthood" began to take shape, a radical notion without legal
precedent that would be used down the road to support drastic forcible intervention into family
life. It became one of the basic justifications offered during the period of mass immigration for a
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compulsion law intended to put children under the thrall of so-called scientific parenting in
schools.
Judicial discretion in custody cases was the first salvo in a barrage of poorly understood court
rulings in which American courts made law rather than interpreted it. These rulings were
formalized later by elected legislatures. Rubber-stamping the fait accompli, they marked a
restructuring of the framework of the family ordered by a judicial body without any public debate
or consent. No precedent for such aggressive court action existed in English law. The concept
lived only in the dreams and speculations of Utopian writers and philosophers.
The 1840 case Mercein v. People produced a stunning opinion by Connecticut's Justice Paige — a
strain of radical strong-state faith straight out of Hegel:
The moment a child is bom it owes allegiance to the government of the
country of its birth, and is entitled to the protection of the government.
As the opinion unrolled, Paige further explained "with the coming of civil society the father's
sovereign power passed to the chief or government of the nation." A part of this power was then
transferred back to both parents for the convenience of the State. But their guardianship was
limited to the legal duty of maintenance and education, while absolute sovereignty remained with
the State.
Not since John Cotton, teacher of the Boston church in the early Puritan period, had such a
position been publicly asserted. Cotton, in renouncing Roger Williams, insisted on the absolute
authority of magistrates in civil and religious affairs, the quintessential Anglican position. In later
life he even came to uphold the power of judges over conscience and was willing to grant powers
of life and death to authorities to bring about conformity. Thus did the Puritan rebellion rot from
within.
A few years after the Paige ruling, American courts received a second radical authorization to
intervene in family matters, "the best interest of the child" test. In 1847, Judge Oakley of New
York City Superior Court staked a claim that such power "is not unregulated or arbitrary" but is
"governed, as far as the case will admit, by fixed rules and principles." When such fixed rules and
principles were not to be found, it caused no problem either, for it was only another matter
subject to court discretion.
In the fifty-four-year period separating the Massachusetts compulsion school law/adoption law
and the founding of Children's Court at the beginning of the twentieth century in Chicago, the
meaning of these decisions became increasingly clear. With opposition from the family-centered
societies of the tidewater and hill-country South diminished by civil war, the American state
assumed the parens patriae powers of old-time absolute kings, the notion of the political state as
the primary father. And there were signs it intended to use those powers to synthesize the type of
scientific family it wanted, for the society it wanted. To usher in the future it wanted.
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The Plan Advances
In the space of one lifetime, the United States was converted from a place where human variety
had ample room to display itself into a laboratory of virtual orthodoxy — a process concealed by
dogged survival of the mythology of independence. The cowboy and frontiersman continued as
film icons until 1970, living ghosts of some collective national inspiration. But both died, in fact,
shortly after Italian immigration began in earnest in the 1880s.
The crucial years for the hardening of our national arteries were those between 1845 and 1920,
the immigration years. Something subtler than Anglo-Saxon revulsion against Celt, Latin, and
Slav was at work in that period. A Utopian ideal of society as an orderly social hive had been
transmitting itself continuously through small elite bodies of men since the time of classical Egypt.
New England had been the New World proving ground of this idea. Now New England was to
take advantage of the chaotic period of heavy immigration and the opportunity of mass
regimentation afforded by civil war to establish this form of total State.
The plan advanced in barely perceptible stages, each new increment making it more difficult for
individual families to follow an independent plan. Ultimately, in the second and third decades of
the twentieth century — decades which gave us Adolf Hitler, Prohibition, mass IQ-testing of an
entire student population, junior high schools, raccoon coats, Rudy Vallee, and worldwide
depression — room to breathe in a personal, peculiar, idiosyncratic way just ran out. It was the end
of Thomas Jefferson's dream, the final betrayal of democratic promise in the last new world on
the planet.
When you consider how bizarre and implausible much of the conformist machinery put in place
during this critical period really was — and especially how long and successfully all sorts of people
resisted this kind of encroachment on fundamental liberty — it becomes clear that to understand
things like universal medical policing, income tax, national banking systems, secret police,
standing armies and navies which demand constant tribute, universal military training,
standardized national examinations, the cult of intelligence tests, compulsory education, the
organization of colleges around a scheme called "research" (which makes teaching an unpleasant
inconvenience), the secularization of religion, the rise of specialist professional monopolies
sanctioned by their state, and all the rest of the "progress" made in these seventy- five years, you
have to find reasons to explain them. Why then? Who made it happen? What was the point?
Children's Court
The very clear connection between all the zones of the emerging American hive-world are a sign
of some organized intelligence at work, with some organized end in mind. 1 For those who can
read the language of conventional symbolism, the philosophical way being followed represents the
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extraordinary vision of the learned company of deists who created the country coupled to the
Puritan vision as it had been derived from Anglo-Normans — descendants of the
Scandinavian/French conquerors of England — those families who became the principal settlers of
New England. It is careless to say that bad luck, accident, or blind historical forces caused the
trap to spring shut on us.
Of the various ways an ancient ideal of perfected society can be given life through institutions
under control of the State, one is so startling and has been realized so closely it bears some
scrutiny. As the hive- world was being hammered out in the United States after 1850, the notion of
unique, irreplaceable natural families came increasingly to be seen as the major roadblock in the
path of social progress toward the extraordinary vision of a machine-driven, Utopian paradise. To
realize such a theory in practice, families must be on trial with each other constantly and with their
neighbors, just as a politician is ever on trial. Families should be conditional entities, not
categories absolute. This had been the operational standard of the Puritan settlement in America,
though hardly of any other region (unless the Quaker/Pietist sections of the middle colonies who
"shunned" outcasts, even if family). If, after testing, an original mother and father did not suit,
then children should be removed and transferred to parent-surrogates. This is the basis of foster
care and adoption.
By 1900, through the agency of the radical new Denver/Chicago "Children's Court," one
important machine to perform this transfer function was in place. Children need not be wasted
building blocks for the State's purpose just because their natural parents had been. The lesson the
new machine-economy was teaching reinforced the spiritual vision of Utopians: perfect
interchangeability, perfect subordination. People could learn to emulate machines; and by
progressive approximations they might ultimately become as reliable as machinery. In a similar
vein, men and women were encouraged through easy divorce laws and ever-increasing
accessibility to sexually explicit imagery, to delay choosing marriage mates. With the mystery
removed, the pressure to mate went with it, it was supposed. The new system encouraged "trials,"
trying on different people until a good fit was found.
1 The paradox that a teenage female in the year 2000 requires parental permission to be given Tylenol or have
ears pierced but not, in some states, to have an abortion suggests the magnitude of the control imposed and at
least a portion of its purpose.
Mr. Young's Head Was Pounded To Jelly
The most surprising thing about the start-up of mass public education in mid-nineteenth-century
Massachusetts is how overwhelmingly parents of all classes soon complained about it. Reports of
school committees around 1850 show the greatest single theme of discussion was conflict
between the State and the general public on this matter. Resistance was led by the old yeoman
class — those families accustomed to taking care of themselves and providing meaning for their
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own lives. The little town of Barnstable on Cape Cod is exemplary. Its school committee
lamented, according to Katz's Irony of Early School Reform, that "the great defect of our day is
the absence of governing or controlling power on the part of parents and the consequent
insubordination of children. Our schools are rendered inefficient by the apathy of parents."
Years ago I was in possession of an old newspaper account which related the use of militia to
march recalcitrant children to school there, but I've been unable to locate it again. Nevertheless,
even a cursory look for evidence of state violence in bending public will to accept compulsion
schooling will be rewarded: Bruce Curtis' book Building the Education State 1836-1871
documents the intense aversion to schooling which arose across North America, in Anglican
Canada where leadership was uniform, as well as in the United States where leadership was more
divided. Many schools were burned to the ground and teachers run out of town by angry mobs.
When students were kept after school, parents often broke into school to free them.
At Saltfleet Township in 1859 a teacher was locked in the schoolhouse by students who "threw
mud and mire into his face and over his clothes," according to school records — while parents
egged them on. At Brantford, Ontario, in 1863 the teacher William Young was assaulted
(according to his replacement) to the point that "Mr. Young's head, face and body was, if I
understand rightly, pounded literally to jelly." Curtis argues that parent resistance was motivated
by a radical transformation in the intentions of schools — a change from teaching basic literacy to
molding social identity.
The first effective American compulsory schooling in the modern era was a reform school
movement which Know-Nothing legislatures of the 1850s put into the hopper along with their
radical new adoption law. Objects of reformation were announced as follows: Respect for
authority; Self-control; Self-discipline. The properly reformed boy "acquires a fixed character,"
one that can be planned for in advance by authority in keeping with the efficiency needs of
business and industry. Reform meant the total transformation of character, behavior modification,
a complete makeover. By 1857, a few years after stranger-adoption was kicked off as a new
policy of the State, Boutwell could consider foster parenting (the old designation for adoption)
"one of the major strategies for the reform of youth." 1 The first step in the strategy of reform was
for the State to become de facto parent of the child. That, according to another Massachusetts
educator, Emory Washburn, "presents the State in her true relation of a parent seeking out her
erring children."
The 1850s in Massachusetts marked the beginning of a new epoch in schooling. Washburn
triumphantly crowed that these years produced the first occasion in history "whereby a state in the
character of a common parent has undertaken the high and sacred duty of rescuing and restoring
her lost children.. .by the influence of the school." John Philbrick, Boston school superintendent,
said of his growing empire in 1863, "Here is real home!" (emphasis added) All schooling,
including the reform variety, was to be in imitation of the best "family system of organization";
this squared with the prevalent belief that delinquency was not caused by external
conditions — thus letting industrialists and slumlords off the hook — but by deficient homes.
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Between 1840 and 1860, male schoolteachers were cleansed from the Massachusetts system and
replaced by women. A variety of methods was used, including the novel one of paying women
slightly more than men in order to bring shame into play in chasing men out of the business.
Again, the move was part of a well-conceived strategy: "Experience teaches that these boys, many
of whom never had a mother's affection... need the softening and refining influence which woman
alone can give, and we have, wherever practicable, substituted female officers and teachers for
those of the other sex."
A state report noted the frequency with which parents coming to retrieve their own children from
reform school were met by news their children had been given away to others, through the state's
parens patriae power. "We have felt it to be our duty generally to decline giving them up to their
parents and have placed as many of them as we could with farmers and mechanics," reads a
portion of Public Document 20 for the state of Massachusetts, written in 1864. (emphasis added)
To recreate the feelings of parents on hearing this news is beyond my power.
1 The reader will recall such a strategy was considered for Hester Prynne's child, Pearl, in
Hawthorne's Scarlet Letter. That Hawthorne, writing at mid-century, chose this as a hinge for his
characterization of the fallen woman Hester is surely no coincidence.
William Rainey Harper
Three decades later at the University of Chicago, William Rainey Harper, former Chautauqua
wizard, began a revolution that would change the face of American university education. Harper
imported the university system of Germany into the United States, lock, stock, and barrel.
Undergraduate teaching was to be relegated to a form of Chautauqua show business, while
research at the graduate level was where prestige academic careers would locate, just as Bacon's
New Atlantis had predicted. Harper, following the blueprint suggested by Andrew Carnegie in his
powerful "Gospel of Wealth" essays, said the United States should work toward a unified scheme
of education, organized vertically from kindergarten through university, horizontally through
voluntary association of colleges, all supplemented by university extension courses available to
everyone. Harper wrote in 1902:
The field of education is at the present time in an extremely disorganized
condition. But the forces are already in existence [to change that]. Order will
be secured and a great new system established, which may be designated "The
American System." The important steps to be taken in working out such a
system are coordination, specialization and association.
Harper and his backers regarded education purely as a commodity. Thorstein Veblen describes
Harper's revolution this way:
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The underlying business-like presumption accordingly appears to be that
learning is a merchantable commodity, to be produced on a piece-rate plan,
rated, bought and sold by standard units, measured, counted, and reduced to
staple equivalence by impersonal, mechanical tests.
Harper believed modern business enterprise represented the highest and best type of human
productive activity. He believed business had discovered two cosmic principles — techniques
implicit in the larger concept of survival of the fittest: consolidation and specialization. Whatever
will not consolidate and specialize must perish, he believed. The conversion of American
universities into a system characterized by institutional giantism and specialization was not
finished in Harper's lifetime, but went far enough that in the judgment of the New York Sun,
"Hell is open and the lid is off!"
Harper's other main contribution to the corporatization of U.S. scholarly life was just as
profound. He destroyed the lonely vocation of great teacher by trivializing its importance.
Research alone, objectively weighed and measured, subject to the surveillance of one's colleagues
would, after Harper, be the sine qua non of university teaching:
Promotion of younger men in the departments will depend more largely upon
the results of their work as investigators than upon the efficiency of their
teaching.... In other words, it is proposed to make the work of investigation
primary, the work of giving instruction secondary.
Harper was the middleman who introduced the organization and ethics of business into the world
of pedagogy. Harper- inspired university experience is now virtually the only ritual of passage into
prosperous adulthood in the United States, just as the Carnegie Foundation and Rockefeller's
General Education Board willed it to be. Few young men or women are strong enough to survive
this passage with their humanity wholly intact.
Death Dies
In 1932, John Dewey, now elevated to a position as America's most prominent educational voice,
heralded the end of what he called "the old individualism." Time had come, he said, for a new
individualism that recognized the radical transformation that had come in American society:
Associations, tightly or loosely organized, more and more define opportunities,
choices, and actions of individuals.
Death, a staple topic of children's books for hundreds of years because it poses a central puzzle
for all children, nearly vanished as theme or event after 1916. Children were instructed indirectly
that there was no grief; indeed, an examination of hundreds of those books from the transitional
period between 1900 and 1916 reveals that Evil no longer had any reality either. There was no
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Evil, only bad attitudes, and those were correctable by training and adjustment therapies.
To see how goals of Utopian procedure are realized, consider further the sudden change that fell
upon the children's book industry between 1890 and 1920. Without explanations or warning,
timeless subjects disappeared from the texts, to be replaced by what is best regarded as a political
agenda. The suddenness of this change was signaled by many other indications of powerful social
forces at work: the phenomenal overnight growth of "research" hospitals where professional
hospital-ity replaced home-style sick care, was one of these, the equally phenomenal sudden
enforcement of compulsory schooling another.
Through children's books, older generations announce their values, declare their aspirations, and
make bids to socialize the young. Any sudden change in the content of such books must
necessarily reflect changes in publisher consciousness, not in the general class of book- buyer
whose market preferences evolve slowly. What is prized as human achievement can usually be
measured by examining children's texts; what is valued in human relationships can be, too.
In the thirty-year period from 1890 to 1920, the children's book industry became a creator, not a
reflector, of values. In any freely competitive situation this could hardly have happened because
the newly aggressive texts would have risked missing the market. The only way such a gamble
could be safe was for total change to occur simultaneously among publishers. The insularity and
collegiality of children's book publishing allowed it this luxury.
One aspect of children's publishing that has remained consistent all the way back to 1721 is the
zone where it is produced; today, as nearly three hundred years ago, the Northeast is where
children's literature happens — inside the cities of Boston, New York, and Philadelphia. No
industry shift has ever disturbed this cozy arrangement: over time, concentration became even
more intense. Philadelphia's role diminished in the twentieth century, leaving Boston and New
York co-regents at its end. In 1975, 87 percent of all titles available came from those two former
colonial capitals, while in 1876 it had been "only" 84 percent, a marvelous durability. For the past
one hundred years these two cities have decided what books American children will read.
Until 1875, about 75 percent of all children's titles dealt with some aspect of the future — usually
salvation. Over the next forty years this idea vanished completely. As Comte and Saint-Simon had
strongly advised, the child was to be relieved of concerning itself with the future. The future
would be arranged for children and for householders by a new expert class, and the need to do
God's will was now considered dangerous superstition by men in charge.
Another dramatic switch in children's books had to do with a character's dependence on
community to solve problems and to give life meaning. Across the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, strength, afforded by stable community life, was an important part of narrative action,
but toward the end of the nineteenth century a totally new note of "self ' was sounded. Now
protagonists became more competent, more in control; their need for family and communal
affirmation disappeared, to be replaced by a new imperative — the quest for certification by
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legitimate authority. Needs now suddenly dominant among literary characters were so-called
"expressive needs": exploring, playing, joy, loving, self-actualizing, intriguing against one's own
parents. By the early twentieth century, a solid majority of all children's books focus on the
individual child free from the web of family and community.
This model had been established by the Horatio Alger books in the second half of the nineteenth
century; now with some savage modern flourishes (like encouraging active indifference to family)
it came to totally dominate the children's book business. Children were invited to divide their
interests from those of their families and to concentrate on private concerns. A few alarmed
critical voices saw this as a strategy of "divide and conquer," a means to separate children from
family so they could be more easily molded into new social designs. In the words of Mary Lystad,
the biographer of children's literary history from whom I have drawn heavily in this analysis:
As the twentieth century continued, book characters were provided more and
more opportunities to pay attention to themselves. More and more characters
were allowed to look inward to their own needs and desires.
This change of emphasis "was managed at the expense of others in the family group," she adds.
From 1796 to 1855, 18 percent of all children's books were constructed around the idea of
conformity to some adult norm; but by 1896 emphasis on conformity had tripled. This took place
in the thirty years following the Civil War. Did the elimination of the Southern pole of our
national dialectic have anything to do with that? Yes, everything, I think. With tension between
Northern and Southern ways of life and politics resolved permanently in favor of the North, the
way was clear for triumphant American orthodoxy to seize the entire field. The huge increase in
conformist themes rose even more as we entered the twentieth century and has remained at an
elevated level through the decades since.
What is most deceptive in trying to fix this characteristic conformity is the introduction of an
apparently libertarian note of free choice into the narrative equation. Modern characters are
encouraged to self-start and to proceed on what appears to be an independent course. But upon
closer inspection, that course is always toward a centrally prescribed social goal, never toward
personal solutions to life's dilemmas. Freedom of choice in this formulation arises from the feeling
that you have freedom, not from its actual possession. Thus social planners get the best of both
worlds: a large measure of control without any kicking at the traces. In modern business circles,
such a style of oversight is known as management by objectives.
Another aspect of this particular brand of regulation is that book characters are shown being
innovative, but innovative only in the way they arrive at the same destination; their emotional
needs for self-expression are met harmlessly in this way without any risk to social machinery.
Much evidence of centralized tinkering within the factory of children's literature exists, pointing in
the direction of what might be called Unit-Man — people as work units partially broken free of
human community who can be moved about efficiently in various social experiments. William
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Rainey Harper, president of the University of Chicago, thought of such an end as "laboratory
research aimed at designing a rational utopia."
To mention just a few other radical changes in children's book content between 1890 and 1920:
school credentials replace experience as the goal book characters work toward, and child labor
becomes a label of condemnation in spite of its ancient function as the quickest, most reliable way
to human independence — the way taken in fact by Carnegie, Rockefeller, and many others who
were now apparently quite anxious to put a stop to it.
Children are encouraged not to work at all until their late teen years, sometimes not until their
thirties. A case for the general superiority of youth working instead of idly sitting around in school
confinement is often made prior to 1900, but never heard again in children's books after 1916.
The universality of this silence is the notable thing, deafening in fact.
Protagonists' goals in the new literature, while apparently individualistic, are almost always found
being pursued through social institutions — those ubiquitous "associations" of John Dewey —
never through family efforts. Families are portrayed as good-natured dormitory arrangements or
affectionate manager-employee relationships, but emotional commitment to family life is
noticeably ignored. Significant family undertakings like starting a farm or teaching each other how
to view life from a multi-age perspective are so rare that the few exceptions stand out like
monadnocks above a broad, flat plain.
Three Most Significant Books
The three most influential books ever published in North America, setting aside the Bible and The
New England Primer, were all published in the years of the Utopian transformation of America
which gave us government schooling: Uncle Tom's Cabin, or Life Among the Lowly (1852), a
book which testifies to the ancient obsession of English-speaking elites with the salvation of the
under- classes; Ben-Hur (1 880), a book illustrating the Christian belief that Jews can eventually be
made to see the light of reason and converted; and the last a pure utopia, Looking Backwards
(1888), still in print more than one hundred years later, translated into thirty languages. 1
In 1944, three American intellectuals, Charles Beard, John Dewey, and Edward Weeks,
interviewed separately, proclaimed Edward Bellamy's Looking Backwards second only to Marx's
Das Kapital as the most influential book of modem times. Within three years of its publication,
165 "Bellamy Clubs" sprouted up. In the next twelve years, no less than forty-six other Utopian
novels became best sellers.
Was it Civil War, chaos, decades of mass immigration, or a frightening series of bloody national
labor strikes shattering our class-free myths that made the public ready for stories of a better
tomorrow? Whatever the cause or causes, the flowering communities of actual American
utopianism took on real shape in the nineteenth century, from famous ones like Owenite
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communities and Fourierian phalansteres or Perfectionist sexual stews like Oneida, right down to
little-known oddities, like Mordecai Noah's "Ararat," city of refuge for Jews. First they happened,
then they were echoed in print, not the reverse. Nothing in the human social record matches the
outburst of purely American longing for something better in community life, the account recorded
in deeds and words in the first full century of our nationhood.
What Bellamy's book uncovered in middle-class/upper-middle-class consciousness was
revealing — the society he describes is a totally organized society, all means of production are in
the hands of State parent-surrogates. The conditions of well-behaved, middle-class childhood are
recreated on a corporate scale in these early Utopias. Society in Bellamy's ideal future has
eliminated the reality of democracy, citizens are answerable to commands of industrial officers,
little room remains for self-initiative. The State regulates all public activities, owns the means of
production, individuals are transformed into a unit directed by bureaucrats.
Erich Fro mm thought Bellamy had missed the strong similarities between corporate socialism and
corporate capitalism — that both converge eventually in goals of industrialization, that both are
societies run by a managerial class and professional politicians, both thoroughly materialistic in
outlook; both organize human masses into a centralized system; into large, hierarchically arranged
employment-pods, into mass political parties. In both, alienated corporate man — well-fed,
well-clothed, well-entertained — is governed by bureaucrats. Governing has no goals beyond this.
At the end of history men are not slaves, but robots. This is the vision of utopia seen complete.
1 Economist Donald Hodges' book, America's New Economic Order, traces the intellectual history of
professionalism in management (John Kenneth Galbraith's corporate "Technostructure" in The New Industrial
State) to Looking Backwards which described an emerging public economy similar to what actually happened.
Hodges shows how various theorists of the Utopian transition like John Dewey and Frederick Taylor shaped the
regime of professional managers we live under.
No Place To Hide
How could the amazing lives of George Washington, Andrew Jackson, the John D. Rockefellers,
Margaret Fuller, Amy Lowell, my own immigrant McManuses, Gattos, Zimmers, Hoffmans, and
D'Agostinos, have added up to this lifeless utopia? Like a black hole it grew, although no human
being flourishes under such a regime or rests easily inside the logic of hundreds of systems
intermeshing into one master system, all demanding obedience from their human parts. Here is a
materialistic inverse of Ezekiel's spiritual vision of wheels within wheels.
In a New York Times description of the first "Edison Project" school in Sherman, Texas — a
system of proprietary schools supplying a home computer for every child, e-mail, longer school
days and years, and "the most high-tech school in America" (as Benno Schmidt, former president
of Yale, put it) — the local superintendent gloated over what he must have regarded as the final
solution to the student-control issue: " Can you imagine what this means if you're home sick? The
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teacher can just put stuff in the student's e-mail.... There's no place to hide anymore!"
The Irony Of The Safety Lamp
Have I made too much of this? What on earth is wrong with wanting to help people, even in
institutionalizing the helping urge so it becomes more reliable? Just this: the helping equation is
not as simple as Utopians imagined. I remember the shock I felt on many occasions when my
well-meant intercession into obvious problems a kid was having were met with some variation of
the angry cry, "Leave me alone!" as if my assistance actually would have made things worse. It
was baffling how often that happened, and I was a well-liked teacher. Is it possible there are hills
that nature or God demands we climb alone or become forever the less for having been carried
over them?
The plans of true believers for our lives may well be better than our own when judged against
some abstract official standard, but to deny people their personal struggles is to render existence
absurd. What are we left with then besides some unspeakable Chautauqua, a liar's world which
promises that if only the rules are followed, good lives will ensue? Inconvenience, discomfort,
hurt, defeat, and tragedy are inevitable accompaniments of our time on earth; we learn to manage
trouble by managing trouble, not by turning our burden over to another. Think of the mutilated
spirit that victims of overprotective parents carry long after they are grown and gone from home.
What should make you suspicious about School is its relentless compulsion. Why should this rich,
brawling, utterly successful nation ever have needed to resort to compulsion to push people into
school classes — unless advocates of forced schooling were driven by peculiar philosophical beliefs
not commonly shared?
Another thing should concern you, that the consequences of orthodox mass schooling have never
been fully thought through. To show you what I mean, consider the example of Sir Humphrey
Davy, inventor of the coalmine "safety" lamp after an 18 12 explosion in which ninety-two boys
and men were killed. Davy's assignment to the honor roll of saintliness came from his assertion
that the sole object of his concern was to "serve the cause of humanity" — a declaration made
credible by his refusal to patent the device.
Let nobody deny that the safety lamp decreased the danger of explosion relative to older methods
of Ulumination, but the brutal fact is that many more miners died because of Davy's invention. It
allowed the coal industry to grow rapidly, bringing vastly more men into the mines than before,
opening deeper tunnels, exposing miners to mortal dangers of which fire-damp is only one,
dangers for which there is no protection. Davy's "safety" lamp brought safety only in the most
ironic sense; it was a profit-enhancement lamp most of all. Its most prominent effect was to allow
the growth of industry, a blessing to some, a curse to others, but far from an unambiguous good
because it wasted many more lives than it saved.
Serving "the cause of humanity" through forced government schooling may also turn out to be a
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stranger matter than it appears, another Davy lamp in different costume.
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Chapter 7
The Prussian Connection
Prussian Fire- Discipline
On approaching the enemy, the marching columns of Prussians wheeled in
succession to the right or left, passed along the front of the enemy until the
rear company had wheeled. Then the whole together wheeled into line facing
the enemy. These movements brought the infantry into two long well-closed
lines, parade-ground precision obtained thanks to remorseless drilling. With
this movement was bound up a fire-discipline more extraordinary than any
perfection of maneuver. "Pelotonfeuer" was opened at 200 paces from the
enemy and continued up to 30 paces when the line fell on with the bayonet.
The possibility of this combination of fire and movement was the work of
Leopold, who by sheer drill made the soldier a machine capable of delivering
(with flintlock muzzle-loading muskets) five volleys a minute. The special
Prussian fire-discipline gave an advantage of five shots to two against all
opponents. The bayonet attack, if the rolling volleys had done their work, was
merely "presenting the cheque for payment, " as a German writer put it.
— Encyclopedia Britannica, 1 1th edition, "Prussia"
The Land of Frankenstein
The particular utopia American believers chose to bring to the schoolhouse was Prussian. The
seed that became American schooling, twentieth-century style, was planted in 1806 when
Napoleon's amateur soldiers bested the professional soldiers of Prussia at the battle of Jena. When
your business is renting soldiers and employing diplomatic extortion under threat of your soldiery,
losing a battle like that is pretty serious. Something had to be done.
The most important immediate reaction to Jena was an immortal speech, the "Address to the
German Nation" by the philosopher Fichte — one of the influential documents of modern history
leading directly to the first workable compulsion schools in the West. Other times, other lands
talked about schooling, but all failed to deliver. Simple forced training for brief intervals and for
narrow purposes was the best that had ever been managed. This time would be different.
In no uncertain terms Fichte told Prussia the party was over. Children would have to be
disciplined through a new form of universal conditioning. They could no longer be trusted to their
parents. Look what Napoleon had done by banishing sentiment in the interests of nationalism.
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Through forced schooling, everyone would learn that "work makes free," and working for the
State, even laying down one's life to its commands, was the greatest freedom of all. Here in the
genius of semantic redefinition 1 lay the power to cloud men's minds, a power later packaged and
sold by public relations pioneers Edward Bernays and Ivy Lee in the seedtime of American forced
schooling.
Prior to Fichte's challenge any number of compulsion- school proclamations had rolled off printing
presses here and there, including Martin Luther's plan to tie church and state together this way
and, of course, the "Old Deluder Satan" law of 1642 in Massachusetts and its 1645 extension. The
problem was these earlier ventures were virtually unenforceable, roundly ignored by those who
smelled mischief lurking behind fancy promises of free education. People who wanted their kids
schooled had them schooled even then; people who didn't didn't. That was more or less true for
most of us right into the twentieth century: as late as 1920, only 32 percent of American kids went
past elementary school. If that sounds impossible, consider the practice in Switzerland today
where only 23 percent of the student population goes to high school, though Switzerland has the
world's highest per capita income in the world.
Prussia was prepared to use bayonets on its own people as readily as it wielded them against
others, so it's not all that surprising the human race got its first effective secular compulsion
schooling out of Prussia in 1819, the same year Mary Shelley's Frankenstein, set in the darkness
of far-off Germany, was published in England. Schule came after more than a decade of
deliberations, commissions, testimony, and debate. For a brief, hopeful moment, Humboldt's
brilliant arguments for a high-level no-holds-barred, free-swinging, universal, intellectual course of
study for all, full of variety, free debate, rich experience, and personalized curricula almost won
the day. What a different world we would have today if Humboldt had won the Prussian debate,
but the forces backing Baron vom Stein won instead. And that has made all the difference.
The Prussian mind, which carried the day, held a clear idea of what centralized schooling should
deliver: 1) Obedient soldiers to the army; 2 2) Obedient workers for mines, factories, and farms;
3) Well-subordinated civil servants, trained in their function; 4) Well-subordinated clerks for
industry; 5) Citizens who thought alike on most issues; 6) National uniformity in thought, word,
and deed.
The area of individual volition for commoners was severely foreclosed by Prussian psychological
training procedures drawn from the experience of animal husbandry and equestrian training, and
also taken from past military experience. Much later, in our own time, the techniques of these
assorted crafts and sullen arts became "discoveries" in the pedagogical pseudoscience of
psychological behaviorism.
Prussian schools delivered everything they promised. Every important matter could now be
confidently worked out in advance by leading families and institutional heads because
well-schooled masses would concur with a minimum of opposition. This tightly schooled
consensus in Prussia eventually combined the kaleidoscopic German principalities into a united
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Germany, after a thousand years as a nation in fragments. What a surprise the world would soon
get from this successful experiment in national centralization! Under Prussian state socialism
private industry surged, vaulting resource-poor Prussia up among world leaders. Military success
remained Prussia's touchstone. Even before the school law went into full effect as an enhancer of
state priorities, the army corps under Blucher was the principal reason for Napoleon's defeat at
Waterloo, its superb discipline allowing for a surprisingly successful return to combat after what
seemed to be a crushing defeat at the Little Corporal's hands just days before. 3 Unschooled, the
Prussians were awesome; conditioned in the classroom promised to make them even more
formidable.
The immense prestige earned from this triumph reverberated through an America not so lucky in
its own recent fortunes of war, a country humiliated by a shabby showing against the British in the
War of 1812. Even thirty years after Waterloo, so highly was Prussia regarded in America and
Britain, the English-speaking adversaries selected the Prussian king to arbitrate our northwest
border with Canada. Hence the Pennsylvania town "King of Prussia." Thirty-three years after
Prussia made state schooling work, we borrowed the structure, style, and intention of those
Germans for our own first compulsion schools.
Traditional American school purpose — piety, good manners, basic intellectual tools, self-reliance,
etc. — was scrapped to make way for something different. Our historical destination of personal
independence gave way slowly to Prussian-purpose schooling, not because the American way lost
in any competition of ideas, but because for the new commercial and manufacturing hierarchs,
such a course made better economic sense.
This private advance toward nationalized schooling in America was partially organized, although
little has ever been written about it; Orestes Brownson's journal identifies a covert national
apparatus (to which Brownson briefly belonged) already in place in the decade after the War of
1812, one whose stated purpose was to "Germanize" America, beginning in those troubled
neighborhoods where the urban poor huddled, and where disorganized new immigrants made easy
targets, according to Brownson. Enmity on the part of old-stock middle-class and working-class
populations toward newer immigrants gave these unfortunates no appeal against the school
sentence to which Massachusetts assigned them. They were in for a complete makeover, like it or
not.
Much of the story, as it was being written by 1844, lies just under the surface of Mann's florid
prose in his Seventh Annual Report to the Boston School Committee. On a visit to Prussia the
year before, he had been much impressed (so he said) with the ease by which Prussian calculations
could determine precisely how many thinkers, problem-solvers, and working stiffs the State would
require over the corning decade, then how it offered the precise categories of training required to
develop the percentages of human resource needed. All this was much fairer to Mann than
England's repulsive episcopal system — schooling based on social class; Prussia, he thought, was
republican in the desirable, manly, Roman sense. Massachusetts must take the same direction.
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1 Machiavelli had clearly identified this as a necessary strategy of state in 1 532, and even explored its
choreography.
2 For an ironic reflection on the success of Prussian educational ideals, take a look at Martin Van Creveld's
Fighting Power (Greenwood Press, 1982). Creveld, the world's finest military historian, undertakes to explain why
German armies in 1914-1918 and 1939-1945, although heavily outnumbered in the major battles of both wars,
consistently inflicted 30 percent more casualties than they suffered, whether they were winning or losing, on
defense or on offense, no matter who they fought. They were better led, we might suspect, but the actual training of
those field commanders comes as a shock. While American officer selection was right out of Frederick Taylor,
complete with psychological dossiers and standardized tests, German officer training emphasized individual
apprenticeships, week-long field evaluations, extended discursive written evaluations by senior officers who
personally knew the candidates. The surprise is, while German state management was rigid and regulated with its
common citizens, it was liberal and adventuresome with its elites. After WWII, and particularly after Vietnam,
American elite military practice began to follow this German model. Ironically enough, America's elite private
boarding schools like Groton had followed the Prussian lead from their inception as well as the British models of
Eton and Harrow.
German elite war doctrine cut straight to the heart of the difference between the truly educated and the merely
schooled. For the German High Command war was seen as an art, a creative activity, grounded in science. War
made the highest demands on an officer's entire personality and the role of the individual in Germany was decisive.
American emphasis, on the other hand, was doctrinal, fixated on cookbook rules. The U.S. officer's manual said:
"Doctrines of combat operation are neither numerous nor complex. Knowledge of these doctrines provides a firm
basis for action in a particular situation." This reliance on automatic procedure rather than on creative individual
decisions got a lot of Americans killed by the book. The irony, of course, was that American, British, and French
officers got the same lockstep conditioning in dependence that German foot soldiers did. There are some obvious
lessons here which can be applied directly to public schooling.
3 Napoleon assumed the Prussians were retreating in the direction of the Rhine after a defeat, but in truth they
were only executing a feint. The French were about to overrun Wellington when Blucher's "Death's Head Hussars,"
driven beyond human endurance by their officers, reached the battlefield at a decisive moment. Not pausing to rest,
the Prussians immediately went into battle, taking the French in the rear and right wing. Napoleon toppled, and
Prussian discipline became the focus of world attention.
The Long Reach Of The Teutonic Knights
In 1876, before setting off from America to Germany to study, William H. Welch, an ambitious
young Bostonian, told his sister: "If by absorbing German lore I can get a little start of a few
thousand rivals and thereby reduce my competition to a few hundred more or less it is a good
point to tally." Welch did go off to Germany for the coveted Ph.D., a degree which at the time
had its actual existence in any practical sense only there, and in due course his ambition was
satisfied. Welch became first dean of Johns Hopkins Medical School and, later, chief advisor to
the Rockefeller Foundation on medical projects. Welch was one of thousands who found the
German Ph.D. a blessing without parallel in late-nineteenth-century America. German Ph.D.'s
ruled the academic scene by then.
Prussia itself was a curious place, not an ordinary country unless you consider ordinary a land
which by 1776 required women to register each onset of their monthly menses with the police.
North America had been interested in Prussian developments since long before the American
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Revolution, its social controls being a favorite subject of discussion among Ben Franklin's 1
exclusive private discussion group, the Junta. When the phony Prussian baron Von Steuben
directed bayonet drills for the colonial army, interest rose even higher. Prussia was a place to
watch, an experimental state totally synthetic like our own, having been assembled out of lands
conquered in the last crusade. For a full century Prussia acted as our mirror, showing elite
America what we might become with discipline.
In 1839, thirteen years before the first successful school compulsion law was passed in the United
States, a perpetual critic of Boston Whig (Mann's own party) leadership charged that pro-posals
to erect German-style teacher seminaries in this country were a thinly disguised attack on local
and popular autonomy. The critic Brownson 2 allowed that state regulation of teaching licenses
was a necessary preliminary only if school were intended to serve as a psychological control
mechanism for the state and as a screen for a controlled economy. If that was the game truly
afoot, said Brownson, it should be reckoned an act of treason.
"Where the whole tendency of education is to create obedience," Brownson said, "all teachers
must be pliant tools of government. Such a system of education is not inconsistent with the theory
of Prussian society but the thing is wholly inadmissible here." He further argued that "according to
our theory the people are wiser than the government. Here the people do not look to the
government for light, for instruction, but the government looks to the people. The people give law
to the government." He concluded that "to entrust government with the power of determining
education which our children shall receive is entrusting our servant with the power of the master.
The fundamental difference between the United States and Prussia has been overlooked by the
board of education and its supporters." 3
This same notion of German influence on American institutions occurred recently to a historian
from Georgetown, Dr. Carroll Quigley 4 . Quigley's analysis of elements in German character
which were exported to us occurs in his book Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our
Time. Quigley traced what he called "the German thirst for the coziness of a totalitarian way of
life" to the breakup of German tribes in the great migrations fifteen hundred years ago. When
pagan Germany finally transferred its loyalty to the even better totalitarian system of Diocletian in
post-Constantine Rome, that system was soon shattered, too, a second tragic loss of security for
the Germans. According to Quigley, they refused to accept this loss. For the next one thousand
years, Germans made every effort to reconstruct the universal system, from Charlemagne's Holy
Roman Empire right up to the aftermath of Jena in 1806. During that thousand-year interval,
other nations of the West developed individual liberty as the ultimate center of society and its
principal philosophical reality. But while Germany was dragged along in the same process, it was
never convinced that individual sovereignty was the right way to organize society.
Germans, said Quigley, wanted freedom from the need to make decisions, the negative freedom
that comes from a universal totalitarian structure which gives security and meaning to life. The
German is most at home in military, ecclesiastical, or educational organizations, ill at ease with
equality, democracy, individualism, or freedom. This was the spirit that gave the West forced
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schooling in the early nineteenth century, so spare a little patience while I tell you about Prussia
and Prussianized Germany whose original mission was expressly religious but in time became
something else.
During the thirteenth century, the Order of Teutonic Knights set about creating a new state of
their own. After fifty turbulent years of combat, the Order successfully Christianized Prussia by
the efficient method of exterminating the entire native population and replacing it with Germans.
By 128 1, the Order's hold on lands once owned by the heathen Slavs was secure. Then something
of vital importance to the future occurred — the system of administration selected to be set up over
these territories was not one patterned on the customary European model of dispersed authority,
but instead was built on the logic of Saracen centralized administration, an Asiatic form first
described by crusaders returned from the Holy Land. For an example of these modes of
administration in conflict, we have Herodotus' account of the Persian attempt to force the pass at
Thermopylae — Persia with its huge bureaucratically subordinated army arrayed against
self-directed Leonidas and his three hundred Spartans. This romantic image of personal initiative,
however misleading, in conflict with a highly trained and specialized military bureaucracy, was
passed down to sixty generations of citizens in Western lands as an inspiration and model. Now
Prussia had established an Asiatic beachhead on the northern fringe of Europe, one guided by a
different inspiration.
Between the thirteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Order of Teutonic Knights evolved by
gradual stages into a highly efficient, secular civil service. In 1525, Albert of Brandenberg
declared Prussia a secular kingdom. By the eighteenth century, under Frederick the Great, Prussia
had become a major European power in spite of its striking material disadvantages. From 1740
onwards, it was feared throughout Europe for its large, well-equipped, and deadly standing army,
comprising a formulaic 1 percent of the population. After centuries of debate, the 1 percent
formula became the lot of the United States military, too, a gift of Prussian strategist von
Clausewitz to America. By 1740, the mature Prussian state-structure was almost complete.
During the reigns of Frederick I and his son Frederick II, Frederick the Great, the modern
absolute state was fashioned there by means of immense sacrifices imposed on the citizenry to
sustain permanent mobilization.
The historian Thomas Macauley wrote of Prussia during these years: "The King carried on
warfare as no European power ever had, he governed his own kingdom as he would govern a
besieged town, not caring to what extent private property was destroyed or civil life suspended.
The coin was debased, civil functionaries unpaid, but as long as means for destroying life
remained, Frederick was determined to fight to the last." Goethe said Frederick "saw Prussia as a
concept, the root cause of a process of abstraction consisting of norms, attitudes and
characteristics which acquired a life of their own. It was a unique process, supra-individual, an
attitude depersonalized, motivated only by the individual' s duty to the State." Today it's easy for
us to recognize Frederick as a systems theorist of genius, one with a real country to practice
upon.
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Under Frederick William II, Frederick the Great's nephew and successor, from the end of the
eighteenth century on into the nineteenth, Prussian citizens were deprived of all rights and
privileges. Every existence was comprehensively subordinated to the purposes of the State, and in
exchange the State agreed to act as a good father, giving food, work, and wages suited to the
people's capacity, welfare for the poor and elderly, and universal schooling for children. The early
nineteenth century saw Prussian state socialism arrive full-blown as the most dynamic force in
world affairs, a powerful rival to industrial capitalism, with antagonisms sensed but not yet clearly
identified. It was the moment of schooling, never to surrender its grip on the throat of society
once achieved.
1 Franklin's great-grandson, Alexander Dallas Bache became the leading American proponent of
Prussianism in 1839. After a European school inspection tour lasting several years, his Report on
Education in Europe, promoted heavily by Quakers, devoted hundreds of pages to glowing
description of Pestalozzian method and to the German gymnasium.
2 Brownson is the main figure in Christopher Lasch's bravura study of Progressivism, The True
and Only Heaven, being offered there as the best fruit of American democratic orchards, a man
who, having seemingly tried every major scheme of meaning the new nation had to offer, settled
on trusting ordinary people as the best course into the future.
3 In Opposition to Centralization (1839).
4 Quigley holds the distinction of being the only college professor ever to be publicly honored by
a major party presidential candidate, Bill Clinton, in his formal acceptance speech for the
presidential nomination.
The Prussian Reform Movement
The devastating defeat by Napoleon at Jena triggered the so-called Prussian Reform Movement, a
transformation which replaced cabinet rule (by appointees of the national leader) with rule by
permanent civil servants and permanent government bureaus. Ask yourself which form of
governance responds better to public opinion and you will realize what a radical chapter in
European affairs was opened. The familiar three-tier system of education emerged in the
Napoleonic era, one private tier, two government ones. At the top, one-half of 1 percent of the
students attended Akadamiensschulen, 1 where, as future policy makers, they learned to think
strategically, contextually, in wholes; they learned complex processes, and useful knowledge,
studied history, wrote copiously, argued often, read deeply, and mastered tasks of command.
The next level, Realsschulen, was intended mostly as a manufactory for the professional
proletariat of engineers, architects, doctors, lawyers, career civil servants, and such other
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assistants as policy thinkers at times would require. From 5 to 7.5 percent of all students attended
these "real schools," learning in a superficial fashion how to think in context, but mostly learning
how to manage materials, men, and situations — to be problem solvers. This group would also
staff the various policing functions of the state, bringing order to the domain. Finally, at the
bottom of the pile, a group between 92 and 94 percent of the population attended "people's
schools" where they learned obedience, cooperation and correct attitudes, along with rudiments of
literacy and official state myths of history.
This universal system of compulsion schooling was up and running by 1819, and soon became the
eighth wonder of the world, promising for a brief time — in spite of its exclusionary layered
structure — liberal education for all. But this early dream was soon abandoned. This particular
Utopia had a different target than human equality; it aimed instead for frictionless efficiency. From
its inception Volksschulen, the people's place, heavily discounted reading; reading produced
dissatisfaction, it was thought. The Bell-school remedy was called for: a standard of virtual
illiteracy formally taught under state church auspices. Reading offered too many windows onto
better lives, too much familiarity with better ways of thinking. It was a gift unwise to share with
those permanently consigned to low station.
Heinrich Pestalozzi, an odd 2 Swiss-German school reformer, was producing at this time a
nonliterary, experience-based pedagogy, strong in music and industrial arts, which was attracting
much favorable attention in Prussia. Here seemed a way to keep the poor happy without arousing
in them hopes of dramatically changing the social order. Pestalozzi claimed ability to mold the
poor "to accept all the efforts peculiar to their class." He offered them love in place of ambition.
By employing psychological means in the training of the young, class warfare might be avoided.
A curiously prophetic note for the future development of scientific school teaching was that
Pestalozzi himself could barely read. Not that he was a dummy; those talents simply weren't
important in his work. He reckoned his own semiliteracy an advantage in dealing with children
destined not to find employment requiring much verbal fluency. Seventeen agents of the Prussian
government acted as Pestalozzi's assistants in Switzerland, bringing insights about the Swiss style
of schooling home to northern Germany.
While Pestalozzi's raggedy schools lurched clumsily from year to year, a nobleman, von
Fellenberg, refined and systematized the Swiss reformer's disorderly notes, hammering the funky
ensemble into clarified plans for a worldwide system of industrial education for the masses. As
early as 1808, this nonacademic formulation was introduced into the United States under Joseph
Neef, formerly a teacher at Pestalozzi's school. Neef, with important Quaker patronage, became
the principal schoolmaster for Robert Owen's pioneering work-utopia at New Harmony, Indiana.
Neef s efforts there provided high-powered conversational fodder to the fashionable Unitarian
drawing rooms of Boston in the decades before compulsory legislation was passed. And when it
did pass, all credit for the political victory belonged to those Unitarians.
Neef s influence resonated across the United States after the collapse of New Harmony, through
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lectures given by Robert Owen's son (later a congressman, then referee of J.P. Morgan's legal
contretemps with the U.S. Army 3 ), and through speeches and intrigues by that magnificent
nineteenth-century female dynamo Scottish emigre Fanny Wright, who demanded the end of
family life and its replacement by communitarian schooling. The tapestry of school origins is one
of paths crossing and recrossing, and more apparent coincidences than seem likely.
Together, Owen and Wright created the successful Workingman's Party of Philadelphia, which
seized political control of that city in 1829. The party incorporated strong compulsion schooling
proposals as part of its political platform. Its idea to place working-class children under the
philosophical discipline of highly skilled craftsmen — men comparable socially to the yeomanry of
pre-enclosure England — would have attracted favorable commentary in Philadelphia where
banker Nicholas Biddle was locked in struggle for control of the nation's currency with working-
class hero Andrew Jackson. Biddle's defeat by Jackson quickly moved abstract discussions of a
possible social technology to control working class children from the airy realms of social
hypothesis to policy discussions about immediate reality. In that instant of maximum tension
between an embryonic financial capitalism and a populist republic struggling to emerge, the
Prussian system of pedagogy came to seem perfectly sensible to men of means and ambition.
1 I've exaggerated the neatness of this tripartite division in order to make clear its functional logic. The system as it
actually grew in those days without an electronic technology of centralization was more whimsical than I've
indicated, dependent partially on local tradition and resistance, partially on the ebb and flow of fortunes among
different participants in the transformation. In some places, the "academy" portion didn't occur in a separate
institution, but as a division inside the Realsschulen, something like today's "gifted and talented honors" programs
as compared to the common garden variety "gifted and talented" pony shows.
2 Pestalozzi's strangeness comes through in almost all the standard biographical sketches of him, despite
universal efforts to emphasize his saintliness. In a recent study, Anthony Sutton claims Pestalozzi was also director
of a secret lodge of "illuminated" Freemasonry — with the code name "Alfred." If true, the Swiss "educator" was even
stranger than I sensed initially.
3 During the Civil War, Morgan sold back to the army its own defective rifles (which had been auctioned as scrap)
at a 1,300 percent profit. After a number of soldiers were killed and maimed, young Morgan found himself
temporarily in hot water. Thanks to Owen his penalty was the return of about half his profit!
Travelers' Reports
Information about Prussian schooling was brought to America by a series of travelers 'reports
published in the early nineteenth century. First was the report of John Griscom, whose book A
Year in Europe (1819) highly praised the new Prussian schools. Griscom was read and admired by
Thomas Jefferson and leading Americans whose intellectual patronage drew admirers into the net.
Pestalozzi came into the center of focus at about the same time through the letters of William
Woodbridge to The American Journal of Education, letters which examined this strange man and
his "humane" methods through friendly eyes. Another important chapter in this school buildup
came from Henry Dwight, 1 whose Travels in North Germany (1825) praised the new
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quasi-religious teacher seminaries in Prussia where prospective teachers were screened for correct
attitudes toward the State.
The most influential report, however, was French philosopher Victor Cousin's to the French
government in 1831. This account by Cousin, France's Minister of Education, explained the
administrative organization of Prussian education in depth, dwelling at length on the system of
people's schools and its far-reaching implications for the economy and social order. Cousin's
essay applauded Prussia for discovering ways to contain the danger of a frightening new social
phenomenon, the industrial proletariat. So convincing was his presentation that within two years
of its publication, French national schooling was drastically reorganized to meet Prussian
Volksschulen standards. French children could be stupefied as easily as German ones.
Across the Atlantic, a similar revolution took place in the brand new state of Michigan.
Mimicking Prussian organization, heavily Germanic Michigan established the very first State
Superintendency of Education. 2 With a state minister and state control entering all aspects of
schooling, the only missing ingredient was compulsion legislation.
On Cousin's heels came yet another influential report praising Prussian discipline and Prussian
results, this time by the bearer of a prominent American name, the famous Calvin Stowe whose
wife Harriet Beecher Stowe, conscience of the abolition movement, was author of its sacred text,
Uncle Tom's Cabin. Stowe's report to the Ohio legislature attesting to Prussian superiority was
widely distributed across the country, the Ohio group mailing out ten thousand copies and the
legislatures of Massachusetts, Michigan, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Virginia each
reprinting and distributing the document.
The third major testimonial to Prussian schooling came in the form of Horace Mann's Seventh
Report to the Boston School Committee in 1843. Mann's Sixth Report, as noted earlier, had been
a paean to phrenology, the science of reading head bumps, which Mann argued was the only
proper basis for curriculum design. The Seventh Report ranked Prussia first of all nations in
schooling, England last. Pestalozzi's psychologically grounded form of pedagogy was specifically
singled out for praise in each of the three influential reports I've recited, as was the resolutely
nonintellectual subject matter of Prussian Volksschulen. Also praised were mild Pestalozzian
discipline, grouping by age, multiple layers of supervision, and selective training for teachers.
Wrote Mann, "There are many things there which we should do well to imitate." 3
Mann's Report strongly recommended radical changes in reading instruction from the traditional
alphabet system, which had made America literate, to Prussia's hieroglyphic-style technique. In a
surprising way, this brought Mann's Report to general public attention because a group of Boston
schoolmasters attacked his conclusions about the efficacy of the new reading method and a lively
newspaper debate followed. Throughout nineteenth-century Prussia, its new form of education
seemed to make that warlike nation prosper materially and militarily. While German science,
philosophy, and military success seduced the whole world, thousands of prominent young
Americans made the pilgrimage to Germany to study in its network of research universities, places
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where teaching and learning were always subordinate to investigations done on behalf of business
and the state. Returning home with the coveted German Ph.D., those so degreed became
university presidents and department heads, took over private industrial research bureaus,
government offices, and the administrative professions. The men they subsequently hired for
responsibility were those who found it morally agreeable to offer obeisance to the Prussian
outlook, too; in this leveraged fashion the gradual takeover of American mental life managed
itself.
For a century here, Germany seemed at the center of everything civilized; nothing was so esoteric
or commonplace it couldn't benefit from the application of German scientific procedure. Hegel, of
Berlin University, even proposed historicism — that history was a scientific subject, displaying a
progressive linear movement toward some mysterious end. Elsewhere, Herbart and Fechner were
applying mathematical principles to learning, Mutter and Helmholtz were grafting physiology to
behavior in anticipation of the psychologized classroom, Fritsch and Hitzig were applying
electrical stimulation to the brain to determine the relationship of brain functions to behavior, and
Germany itself was approaching its epiphany of unification under Bismarck.
When the spirit of Prussian pelotonfeuer crushed France in the lightning war of 1871, the world's
attention focused intently on this hypnotic, Utopian place. What could be seen to happen there was
an impressive demonstration that endless production flowed from a Baconian liaison between
government, the academic mind, and industry. Credit for Prussian success was widely attributed
to its form of schooling. What lay far from casual view was the religious vision of a completely
systematic universe which animated this Frank ensteinian nation.
1 Of the legendary Dwight family which bankrolled Horace Mann's forced schooling operation. Dwight was a distant
ancestor of Dwight D. Eisenhower.
2 This happened under the direction of William Pierce, a man as strange in his own way as Pestalozzi. Pierce had
been a Unitarian minister around Rochester, New York, until he was forced to flee across the Great Lakes to escape
personal harm during the anti-Masonic furor just before the first Jackson election. Pierce was accused of concealing
a lodge of llluminati behind the facade of his church. When his critics arrived with the tar and feathers, the great
educator-to-be had already flown the coop to Michigan, his tools of illumination safely in his kit and a sneer of
superior virtue on his noble lip. Some say a local lady of easy virtue betrayed the vigilante party to Pierce in
exchange for a few pieces of Socinian silver, but I cannot confirm this reliably. How he came to be welcomed so
warmly in Michigan and honored with such a high position might be worth investigating.
3 The fact is Mann arrived in Prussia after the schools had closed for the summer, so that he never actually saw
one in operation. This did nothing to dampen his enthusiasm, nor did he find it necessary to enlighten his readers to
this interesting fact. I'll mention this again up ahead.
Finding Work For Intellectuals
The little North German state of Prussia had been described as "an army with a country," "a
perpetual armed camp," "a gigantic penal institution." Even the built environment in Prussia was
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closely regimented: streets were made to run straight, town buildings and traffic were
state-approved and regulated. Attempts were made to cleanse society of irregular elements like
beggars, vagrants, and Gypsies, all this intended to turn Prussian society into "a huge human
automaton" in the words of Hans Rosenberg. It was a state where scientific farming alternated
with military drilling and with state-ordered meaningless tasks intended for no purpose but to
subject the entire community to the experience of collective discipline — like fire drills in a modern
junior high school or enforced silence during the interval between class periods. Prussia had
become a comprehensive administrative Utopia. It was Sparta reborn.
Administrative Utopias spring out of the psychological emptiness which happens where firmly
established communities are nonexistent and what social cohesion there is is weak and
undependable. Utopias lurch into being when utopia happens best where there is no other social
and political life around which seems attractive or even safe. The dream of state power
refashioning countryside and people is powerful, especially compelling in times of insecurity
where local leadership is inadequate to create a satisfying social order, as must have seemed the
case in the waning decades of the nineteenth century. In particular, the growing intellectual classes
began to resent their bondage to wealthy patrons, their lack of any truly meaningful function, their
seeming overeducation for what responsibilities were available, their feelings of superfluousness.
The larger national production grew on wheels and belts of steam power. The more it produced
unprecedented surpluses, the greater became the number of intellectuals condemned to a parasitic
role, and the more certain it became that some Utopian experiment must come along to make
work for these idle hands.
In such a climate it could not have seemed out of line to the new army of homeless men whose
work was only endless thinking, to reorganize the entire world and to believe such a thing not
impossible to attain. It was only a short step before associations of intellectuals began to consider
it their duty to reorganize the world. It was then the clamor for universal forced schooling became
strong. Such a need coincided with a corresponding need on the part of business to train the
population as consumers rather than independent producers.
In the last third of the nineteenth century, a loud call for popular education arose from princes of
industry, from comfortable clergy, professional humanists and academic scientists, those who saw
schooling as an instrument to achieve state and corporate purposes. Prior to 1870, the only
countries where everybody was literate were Prussia, its tiny adjacent neighbor states in Nordic
Scandinavia, and the United States. Despite all projects of the Enlightenment, of Napoleon, of the
parliaments of England and Belgium and of revolutionaries like Cavour, the vast majority of
Europeans could neither read nor write. It was not, of course, because they were stupid but
because circumstances of their lives and cultures made literacy a luxury, sometimes even
impossible.
Steam and coal provided the necessary funds for establishing and maintaining great national
systems of elementary schooling. Another influence was the progressivism of the liberal impulse,
never more evident than in the presence of truly unprecedented abundance. Yes, it was true that
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to create that abundance it became necessary to uproot millions from their traditional habitats and
habits, but one's conscience could be salved by saying that popular schooling would offer, in time,
compensations for the proletariat. In any case, no one doubted Francois Guizot's epigram: "The
opening of every schoolhouse closes a jail."
For the enlightened classes, popular education after Prussia became a sacred cause, one meriting
crusading zeal. In 1868, Hungary announced compulsion schooling; in 1869, Austria; in 1872, the
famous Prussian system was nationalized to all the Germanies; 1874, Switzerland; 1877, Italy;
1878, Holland; 1879, Belgium. Between 1878 and 1882, it became France's turn. School was
made compulsory for British children in 1880. No serious voice except Tolstoy's questioned what
was happening, and that Russian nobleman-novelist-mystic was easily ignored. Best known to the
modern reader for War and Peace, Tolstoy is equally penetrating in The Kingdom of God Is
Within You, in which he viewed such problems through the lens of Christianity.
The school movement was strongest in Western and Northern Europe, the ancient lands of the
Protestant Reformation, much weaker in Catholic Central and Southern Europe, virtually
nonexistent at first in the Orthodox East. Enthusiasm for schooling is closely correlated with a
nation's intensity in mechanical industry, and that closely correlated with its natural heritage of
coal. One result passed over too quickly in historical accounts of school beginnings is the
provision for a quasi-military noncommissioned officer corps of teachers, and a staff-grade corps
of administrators to oversee the mobilized children. One consequence unexpected by middle
classes (though perhaps not so unexpected to intellectual elites) was a striking increase in
gullibility among well-schooled masses. Jacques Ellul is the most compelling analyst of this awful
phenomenon, in his canonical essay Propaganda. He fingers schooling as an unparalleled
propaganda instrument; if a schoolbook prints it and a teacher affirms it, who is so bold as to
demur?
The Technology Of Subjection
Administrative Utopias are a peculiar kind of dreaming by those in power, driven by an urge to
arrange the lives of others, organizing them for production, combat, or detention. The operating
principles of administrative Utopia are hierarchy, discipline, regimentation, strict order, rational
planning, a geometrical environment, a production line, a cellblock, and a form of welfarism.
Government schools and some private schools pass such parameters with flying colors. In one
sense, administrative Utopias are laboratories for exploring the technology of subjection and as
such belong to a precise subdivision of pornographic art: total surveillance and total control of the
helpless. The aim and mode of administrative Utopia is to bestow order and assistance on an
unwilling population: to provide its clothing and food. To schedule it. In a masterpiece of cosmic
misjudgment, the phrenologist George Combe wrote Horace Mann on November 14, 1843:
The Prussian and Saxon governments by means of their schools and their just
laws and rational public administration are doing a good deal to bring their
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people into a rational and moral condition. It is pretty obvious to thinking men
that a few years more of this cultivation will lead to the development of free
institutions in Germany.
Earlier that year, on May 21, 1843, Mann had written to Combe: "I want to find out what are the
results, as well as the workings of the famous Prussian system." Just three years earlier, with the
election of Marcus Morton as governor of Massachusetts, a serious challenge had been presented
to Mann and to his Board of Education and the air of Prussianism surrounding it and its
manufacturer/politician friends. A House committee was directed to look into the new Board of
Education and its plan to undertake a teachers college with $10,000 put up by industrialist
Edmund Dwight. Four days after its assignment, the majority reported out a bill to kill the board!
Discontinue the Normal School experiment, it said, and give Dwight his money back:
If then the Board has any actual power, it is a dangerous power, touching
directly upon the rights and duties of the Legislature; if it has no power, why
continue its existence at an annual expense to the commonwealth?
But the House committee did more; it warned explicitly that this board, dominated by a Unitarian
majority of 7-5 (although Unitarians comprised less than 1 percent of the state), really wanted to
install a Prussian system of education in Massachusetts, to put "a monopoly of power in a few
hands, contrary in every respect to the true spirit of our democratical institutions." The vote of the
House on this was the single greatest victory of Mann's political career, one for which he and his
wealthy friends called in every favor they were owed. The result was 245 votes to continue, 182
votes to discontinue, and so the House voted to overturn the recommendations of its own
committee. A 32- vote swing might have given us a much different twentieth century than the one
we saw.
Although Mann's own letters and diaries are replete with attacks on orthodox religionists as
enemies of government schooling, an examination of the positive vote reveals that from the outset
the orthodox churches were among Mann's staunchest allies. Mann had general support from
Congregational, Presbyterian, and Baptist clergymen. At this early stage they were completely
unaware of the doom secular schooling would spell out for their denominations. They had been
seduced into believing school was a necessary insurance policy to deal with mcoming waves of
Catholic immigration from Ireland and Germany, the cheap labor army which as early as 1830 had
been talked about in business circles and eagerly anticipated as an answer to America's production
problems.
The reason Germany, and not England, provided the original model for America's essay into
compulsion schooling may be that Mann, while in Britain, had had a shocking experience in
English class snobbery which left him reeling. Boston Common, he wrote, with its rows of
mottled sycamore trees, gravel walks, and frog ponds was downright embarrassing compared with
any number of stately English private grounds furnished with stag and deer, fine arboretums of
botanical specimens from faraway lands, marble floors better than the table tops at home,
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portraits, tapestries, giant gold-frame mirrors. The ballroom in the Bulfinch house in Boston
would be a butler's pantry in England, he wrote. When Mann visited Stafford House of the Duke
of Cumberland, he went into culture shock:
Convicts on treadmills provide the energy to pump water for fountains. I have
seen equipages, palaces, and the regalia of royalty side by side with beggary,
squalidness, and degradation in which the very features of humanity were
almost lost in those of the brute.
For this great distinction between the stratified orders of society, Mann held the Anglican church
to blame. "Give me America with all its rawness and want. We have aristocracy enough at home
and here I trace its foundations." Shocked from his English experience, Mann virtually willed that
Prussian schools would provide him with answers, says his biographer Jonathan Messerli.
Mann arrived in Prussia when its schools were closed for vacation. He toured empty classrooms,
spoke with authorities, interviewed vacationing schoolmasters, and read piles of dusty official
reports. Yet from this nonexperience he claimed to come away with a strong sense of the
professional competence of Prussian teachers! All "admirably qualified and full of animation!" His
wife Mary, of the famous Peabodys, wrote home: "We have not seen a teacher with a book in his
hand in all Prussia; no, not one!" (emphasis added) This wasn't surprising, for they hardly saw
teachers at all.
Equally impressive, he wrote, was the wonderful obedience of children; these German kinder had
"innate respect for superior years." The German teacher corps? "The finest collection of men I
have ever seen — full of intelligence, dignity, benevolence, kindness and bearing...." Never, says
Mann, did he witness "an instance of harshness and severity. All is kind, encouraging, animating,
sympathizing." On the basis of imagining this miraculous vision of exactly the Prussia he wanted
to see, Mann made a special plea for changes in the teaching of reading. He criticized the standard
American practice of beginning with the alphabet and moving to syllables, urging his readers to
consider the superior merit of teaching entire words from the beginning. "I am satisfied," he said,
"our greatest error in teaching lies in beginning with the alphabet."
The heart of Mann's most famous Report to the Boston School Committee, the legendary
Seventh, rings a familiar theme in American affairs. It seems even then we were falling behind!
This time, behind the Prussians in education. In order to catch up, it was mandatory to create a
professional corps of teachers and a systematic curriculum, just as the Prussians had. Mann
fervently implored the board to accept his prescription. ..while there was still time! The note of
hysteria is a drum roll sounding throughout Mann's entire career; together with the vilification of
his opponents, it constitutes much of Mann's spiritual signature.
That fall, the Association of Masters of the Boston Public Schools published its 150-page rebuttal
of Mann's Report. It attacked the normal schools proposal as a vehicle for propaganda for
Mann's "hot bed theories, in which the projectors have disregarded experience and observation."
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It belittled his advocacy of phrenology and charged Mann with attempting to excite the prejudices
of the ignorant. Its second attack was against the teacher-centered nonbook presentations of
Prussian classrooms, insisting the psychological result of these was to break student potential "for
forming the habit of independent and individual effort." The third attack was against the "word
method" in teaching reading, and in defense of the traditional alphabet method. Lastly, it attacked
Mann's be lief that interest was a better motivator to learning than discipline: "Duty should come
first and pleasure should grow out of the discharge of it." Thus was framed a profound conflict
between the old world of the Puritans and the new psychological strategy of the Germans.
The German/American Reichsbank
Sixty years later, amid a well-coordinated attempt on the part of industrialists and financiers to
transfer power over money and interest rates from elected representatives of the American people
to a "Federal Reserve" of centralized private banking interests, George Reynolds, president of the
American Bankers Association, rose before an audience on September 13, 1909, to declare
himself flatly in favor of a central bank modeled after the German Reichsbank. As he spoke, the
schools of the United States were being forcibly rebuilt on Prussian lines.
On September 14, 1909, in Boston, the president of the United States, William Howard Taft,
instructed the country that it should "take up seriously" the problem of establishing a centralized
bank on the German model. As The Wall Street Journal put it, an important step in the education
of Americans would soon be taken to translate the "realm of theory" into "practical politics," in
pedagogy as well as finance.
Dramatic, symbolic evidence of what was working deep in the bowels of the school institution
surfaced in 1935. At the University of Chicago's experimental high school, the head of the Social
Science department, Howard C. Hill, published an inspirational textbook, The Life and Work of
the Citizen. It is decorated throughout with the fasces, symbol of the Fascist movement, an
emblem binding government and corporation together as one entity. Mussolini had landed in
America.
The fasces are strange hybridized images, one might almost say Americanized. The bundle of
sticks wrapped around a two-headed axe, the classic Italian Fascist image, has been decisively
altered. Now the sticks are wrapped around a sword. They appear on the spine of this high school
text, on the decorative page introducing Part One, again on a similar page for Part Two, and are
repeated on Part Three and Part Four as well. There are also fierce, military eagles hovering
above those pages.
The strangest decoration of all faces the title page, a weird interlock of hands and wrists which,
with only a few slight alterations of its structural members, would be a living swastika. 1 The
legend announces it as representing the "united strength" of Law, Order, Science, and the Trades.
Where the strength of America had been traditionally located in our First Amendment guarantee
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of argument, now the Prussian connection was shifting the locus of attention in school to
cooperation, with both working and professional classes sandwiched between the watchful eye of
Law and Order. Prussia had entrenched itself deep into the bowels of American institutional
schooling.
1 Interestingly enough, several versions of this book exist — although no indication that this is so appears on the
copyright page. In one of these versions the familiar totalitarian symbols are much more pronounced than in the
others.
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Chapter 8
A Coal-Fired Dream World
Wanting coal we could not have smelted the iron needed to make our engines,
nor have worked our engines when we had got them. But take away the
engines and the great towns vanish like a dream. Manufacturers give place to
agriculture and pasture, and not ten men can live where now ten thousand.
— Thomas Huxley (1875)
Coal introduced a new race of men who work with machinery instead of their
hands, who cluster together in cities instead of spreading over the land, men
who trade with those of other nations as readily as with those of their own
town.. .men whose market is no longer the city or country but the world itself.
— Henry DeBeers Gibbins (1903)
Coal At The Bottom Of Things
Where I grew up the hand of coal was everywhere. Great paddle-wheel boats pushed it up and
down the river every day, driven by the heat of coal fire. Columns of barges — eight, ten, twelve to
a steamboat — were as common a sight to me as police cars are to the modern Manhattan where I
live a half-century later. Those barges glide majestically through my memory, piled high with coal
gleaming in the sunshine, glistening in the rain, coal destined for steel mills, coke ovens, machine
works, chemical plants, coal yards and coal chutes everywhere. Long before we saw the lead
barges push the river aside, we saw plumes of smoke shoot above the willows on the riverbanks.
As the big paddle-wheel went crashing by, orange clouds of sulfuric rip surged up in waves from
the depths of the deep green river, an angry reminder that this wasn't just water we were playing
with.
On certain days the town sky darkened from coal smoke, the air so dark automobiles used
headlights at midday. Some favorite games we played circled around coal: one called simply
"walking the railroad ties" gave way naturally to its successor "walking the rails" as a fellow got
better at the thing. But whether you hopped along the creosoted wood or teetered on the polished
steel stretching in the mind to infinity, the object was to gather up black diamonds spilled from the
coal cars.
At night we played ghostly games in and out of long rows of abandoned beehive coke ovens,
which looked for all the world like Roman tombs. I can still hear the crunch of a battered shovel
digging into the pyramid of coal in our basement and the creak of the cast-iron gate on the
furnace door opening to accept another load into the flames. Squinting through medieval view
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slits in the grate like an armored knight's helmet paid off with a shocking blast of superheated air.
Nothing could be a more awe-inspiring introduction to power for a child.
Mother, puffing her Chesterfield, would often complain about dirty air as the cigarette smoldered,
about the impossibility of keeping white clothes white for even a few hours, about her wish to live
in the mountains where the air was clean. And Grandmother Mossie would say cryptically, her
unfiltered Chesterfield cocked, "Smoke means work." Sometimes I heard men from the beer halls
talking to Pappy (my granddad) about arcane matters which summoned up the same sacred
utterance, "Smoke means work."
In science class at Ben Franklin Junior High, up in the clean mountains where Mother finally
arrived, coal was waiting for me. I remember Mrs. Conn with sections of coal in which fantastic
fossil shapes were embedded. In the same school, a music teacher, name now forgotten, taught us
to sing the song he told us miners sang as they trudged to the pits each morning:
(Sadly, Slowly)
Zum, Gollie, Gollie, Gollie,
ZUM Gaw-lee, Gaw-lee,
Zum, Gollie, Gollie, Gollie,
ZUM Gaw-lee, Gaw-lee.
Although I doubted that song was genuine because the miners I passed on the street were far
from musical men, even as a boy, I loved the feeling of connection it awakened to a life far
stranger than any fiction, a life going on deep inside the green hills around me while I sat at my
desk in school.
Occasionally an abandoned mine, its hollow tunnels reaching out for miles like dark tentacles
beneath the earth, would catch fire along an undug coal seam and burn for years, causing wisps of
smoke to issue from unlikely rural settings, reminder of the fiendish world unseen below the
vegetable landscape. Now and then a coal tunnel would collapse, entombing men alive down
there — from which fate (all too easy to imagine for a boy with a penchant for crawling around in
storm drains) the victims would sometimes be rescued on the front page of the Sun-Telegraph,
and sometimes not. When a situation like that was pronounced hopeless and miners sat dying
underground with no chance of rescue — as sailors died in the hull of the Arizona at Pearl
Harbor — I would stare in a different light at the black lumps I usually took for granted.
Another thing I clearly remember is that years after a mine was abandoned and the community far
above had lost memory of its subterranean workings, occasionally an entire unsuspecting town
would begin to slump into the pit. Frantic effort to shore up old tunnels would stretch out over
months, even years, the progress of creeping disaster faithfully recorded in newspapers and street
corner gossip as it marched house by house toward its inexorable conclusion. Very interesting, I
hear you mutter, but what on earth does all this have to do with the problem of schooling? The
answer is everything, but it will take some effort to see why, so deeply buried has been the
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connection between schooling in all its aspects and the nature of the nation's work.
The Demon Of Overproduction
Real school reforms have always failed, not because they represent bad ideas but because they
stand for different interpretations of the purpose of life than the current management of society
will allow. If too many people adopted such reforms, a social and economic catastrophe would be
provoked, one at least equal to that which followed the original imposition of centralized,
collective life on men, women, and children in what had been a fairly libertarian American society.
Reverberations of this earlier change in schooling are still being heard. What else do you think the
explosion of homeschooling in recent years means?
The reason this cataclysm, out of which we got forced schooling, has been put to the question so
very little by the groups it violently damaged is that the earlier storm had a confusing aspect to it.
Those who suffered most didn't necessarily experience declining incomes. The cost of the
metamorphosis was paid for in liberties: loss of freedom, loss of time, loss of significant human
associations — including those with one's own children — loss of a spiritual dimension, perhaps.
Losses difficult to pin down. Coal, and later oil, relentlessly forced a shift in crucial aspects of
social life: our relation to nature, our relation to each other, our relation to ourselves. But
nowhere was the impact greater than in the upbringing of children.
Colonial and Federal period economics in America emphasized the characteristics in children that
were needed for independent livelihoods — characteristics which have remained at the heart of the
romantic image of our nation in the world's eyes and in our own. These characteristics, however,
were recognized by thinkers associated with the emerging industrial/financial systems as danger
signs of incipient overproduction. The very ingenuity and self-reliance that built a strong and
unique America came to be seen as its enemy. Competition was recognized as a corrosive agent
no mass production economy could long tolerate without bringing ruinous financial panics in its
wake, engendering bankruptcy and deflation.
A preliminary explanation is in order. Prior to coal and the inventiveness coal inspired, no harm
attended the very realistic American dream to have one's own business. A startling percentage of
Americans did just that. Businesses were small and local, mostly subsistence operations like the
myriad small farms and small services which kept home and hearth together across the land.
Owning yourself was understood to be the best thing. The most radical aspect of this former
economy was the way it turned ancient notions of social class privilege and ancient religious
notions of exclusion on their ears.
Yet, well inside a single generation, godlike fossil fuel power suddenly became available. Now
here was the rub, that power was available to industrialists but at the same time to the most
resourceful, tough-minded, independent, cantankerous, and indomitable group of ordinary citizens
ever seen anywhere. A real danger existed that in the industrial economy being born, too many
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would recognize the new opportunity, thus creating far too much of everything for any market to
absorb.
The result: prices would collapse, capital would go unprotected. Using the positive method of
analysis (of which more later), one could easily foresee that continuous generations of improved
machinery (with never an end) might well be forthcoming once the commitment was made to let
the coal genie completely out of the bottle. Yet in the face of a constant threat of overproduction,
who would invest and reinvest and reinvest unless steps were taken to curtail promiscuous
competition in the bud stage? The most efficient time to do that was ab ovo, damping down those
qualities of mind and character which gave rise to the dangerous American craving for
independence where it first began, in childhood.
The older economy scheduled for replacement had set up its own basic expectations for children.
Even small farmers considered it important to toughen the mind by reading, writing, debate, and
declamation, and to learn to manage numbers well enough so that later one might manage one's
own accounts. In the older society, competition was the tough love road to fairness in
distribution. Democracy, religion, and local community were the counterpoise to excesses of
individualism. In such a universe, home education, self-teaching, and teacher-directed local
schoolhouses served well.
In the waning days of this family-centered social order, an industrial replacement made necessary
by coal lay waiting in the wings, but it was a perspective still unable to purge itself of excess
competition, unable to sufficiently accept government as the partner it must have to suppress
dangerous competition — from an all-too-democratic multitude.
Then a miracle happened or was arranged to happen. After decades of surreptitious Northern
provocation, the South fired on Fort Sumter. Hegel himself could not have planned history better.
America was soon to find itself shoehorned into a monoculture. The Civil War demonstrated to
industrialists and financiers how a standardized population trained to follow orders could be made
to function as a reliable money tree; even more, how the common population could be stripped of
its power to cause political trouble. These war years awakened canny nostalgia for the British
colonial past, and in doing so, the coal-driven society was welcomed for the social future it
promised as well as for its riches.
The Quest For Arcadia
The great mistake is to dismiss too hastily the inducements offered by industrial utopia. Defense
of it on strictly humanistic grounds is usually discarded as hypocrisy, but after some reflection, I
don't think it is. Remember that many philosophical and scientific minds were fellow travelers in
the industrial procession. Like Adam Smith, they predicted that just beyond the grim factory
smoke and the foul pits where men mined coal, a neo-Arcadian utopia beckoned — we have
already witnessed its evanescent, premature embodiment in Chautauqua. Thus was the stage set
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for institutional schooling as it eventually emerged. This Arcadia would be possible only if men of
great vision had the nerve and iron discipline to follow where rationality and science led. The
crucial obstacle was this: an unknown number of generations would have to be sacrificed to
industrial slavery before mankind could progress to its comfortable destiny. On the other side of
that immoral divide, paradise might lie.
How to get there? Though Malthus and Darwin had shown the way to intellectually devalue
human life and to do with protoplasm whatever needed to be done, the force of Western tradition,
particularly Judeo-Christian tradition, was still too strong to be brushed aside. Into this paradox
stepped socialism It was a happy coincidence that while one aspect of industrial imagination, the
capitalist lobe, was doing the necessary dirty work of breaking the old order and reorganizing its
parts, another, softer aspect of the same industrial mind could sing the identical song, but in a
different key and to a different audience.
What socialists helped capitalism to teach was that the industrial promise was true. The road to
riches could be followed through coal smoke to an eventual paradise on earth. Only the masters
had to be changed. In place of bosses would sit workers. Meanwhile, both sides agreed (Marx is
particularly eloquent on this point) that many would have to suffer a great while, until predictable
advances in social reordering would ultimately relieve their descendants.
Managerial Utopia
In an angry letter to the Atlantic Monthly (January 1998), Walter Greene, of Hatboro,
Pennsylvania, protested the "myth of our failing schools," as he called it, on these grounds:
We just happen to have the world's most productive work force, the largest
economy, the highest material standard of living, more Nobel prizes than the
rest of the world combined, the best system of higher education, the best
high-tech medicine, and the strongest military. These things could not have
been accomplished with second-rate systems of education.
On the contrary, the surprising truth is they could not have been accomplished to the degree they
have been without second-rate systems of education. But here it is, writ plain, the crux of an
unbearable paradox posed by scientifically efficient schooling. It works. School, as we have it,
does build national wealth, it does lead to endless scientific advances. Where is Greene's misstep?
It lies in the equation of material prosperity and power with education when our affluence is built
on schooling (and on entrepreneurial freedom, too, of course, for those libertarian enough to seize
it). A century of relentless agit-prop has thrown us off the scent. The truth is that America's
unprecedented global power and spectacular material wealth are a direct product of a third-rate
educational system, upon whose inefficiency in developing intellect and character they depend. If
we educated better we could not sustain the corporate utopia we have made. Schools build
national wealth by tearing down personal sovereignty, morality, and family life. It was a trade-off.
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This contradiction is not unknown at the top, but it is never spoken aloud as part of the national
school debate. Unacknowledged, it has been able to make its way among us undisturbed by
protest. E.P. Thompson's classic, The Making of the English Working Class, is an eye-opening
introduction to this bittersweet truth about "productive" workforces and national riches. When a
Colorado coalminer testified before authorities in 1871 that eight hours underground was long
enough for any man because "he has no time to improve his intellect if he works more," the
coaldigger could hardly have realized his very deficiency was value added to the market equation.
What the nineteenth century in the coal-rich nations pointed toward was building infrastructure
for managerial utopia, a kind of society in which unelected functional specialists make all the
decisions that matter. Formal periods of indoctrination and canonical books of instruction limit
these specialists in their choices. The idea of managerial science is to embed managers so securely
in abstract regulation and procedure that the fixed purpose of the endeavor becomes
manager-proof.
Managerial Utopias take tremendous effort to build. England's version of this political form was a
millennium in the building. Such governance is costly to maintain because it wastes huge amounts
of human time on a principle akin to the old warning that the Devil finds work for idle hands; it
employs large numbers of incompetent and indifferent managers in positions of responsibility on
the theory that loyalty is more important than ability to do the job. I watched this philosophy in
action in public schools for thirty years.
Ordinary people have a nasty habit of consciously and unconsciously sabotaging managerial
Utopias, quietly trashing in whole or part the wishes of managers. To thwart these tendencies,
expensive vigilance is the watchword of large systems, and the security aspect of managerial
utopia has to be paid for. Where did this money originally come from? The answer was from a
surplus provided by coal, steam, steel, chemicals, and conquest. It was more than sufficient to pay
for a mass school experiment. Society didn't slowly evolve to make way for a coal-based
economy. It was forcibly made over in double time like Prussians marching to battle Napoleon at
Waterloo. An entirely successful way of life was forcibly ushered out.
Before anything could be modern, the damnable past had to be uprooted with its village culture,
tight families, pious population, and independent livelihoods. Only a state religion had the power
to do this — England and Germany were evidence of that — but America lacked one. A military
establishment had power to do it, too. France, under the Directorate and Napoleon, was the most
recent example of what physical force could accomplish in remaking the social order, but military
power was still too dispersed and unreliable in America to employ it consistently against citizens.
As the established Protestant religion schismed and broke apart, however, America came into
possession of something that would serve in its place — a kaleidoscope of Utopian cults and a
tradition of Utopian exhortation, a full palette of roving experts and teachers, Sunday schools,
lyceums, pulpits, and Chautauquas. It was a propitious time and place in which to aim for
long-range management of public opinion through the Utopian schooling vehicle Plato had
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described and that modern Prussia was actually using.
It takes no great insight or intelligence to see that the health of a centralized economy built around
dense concentrations of economic power and a close business alliance with government can't
tolerate any considerable degree of intellectual schooling. This is no vain hypothesis. The recent
French Revolution was widely regarded as the work of a horde of underemployed intellectuals,
the American uprising more of the same. As the nineteenth century wore on, the Hungarian and
Italian revolutions were both financed and partially planned from the United States using cells of
marginal intellectuals, third sons, and other malcontents as a volunteer fifth column in advance of
the revolutionary moment back home. Ample precedent to fear the educated was there; it was
recognized that historical precedent identified thoughtful schooling as a dangerous blessing.
The Positive Method
Most of the anti-intellectual shift in schooling the young was determined by the attitudes and
needs of prominent businessmen. The first exhibit for your perusal is the U.S. Bureau of
Education's Circular of Information for April 1872, which centers around what it calls the
"problem of educational schooling." With whose interests in mind did the bureau view education
as a problem? The amazing answer is: from a big business perspective. By 1 872, this still feeble
arm of the federal government is seen filled with concern for large industrial employers at a time
when those were still a modest fraction of the total economy.
According to this Circular of Information, "inculcating knowledge" teaches workers to be able to
"perceive and calculate their grievances," thus making them "more redoubtable foes" in labor
struggles. Indeed, this was one important reason for Thomas Jefferson's own tentative support of
a system of universal schooling, but something had been lost between Monticello and the Capital.
"Such an enabling is bound to retard the growth of industry," continues the Circular. There is
nothing ambiguous about that statement at all, and the writer is correct, of course.
Sixteen years later (1888), we can trace the growth in this attitude from the much more candid
language in the Report of the Senate Committee on Education. Its gigantic bulk might be
summarized in this single sentence taken from page 1,382:
We believe that education is one of the principal causes of discontent of late
years manifesting itself among the laboring classes.
Once we acknowledge that planned economies of nation or corporation are systems with their
own operating integrity, quite sensibly antagonistic to the risks educated minds pose, much of
formal schooling's role in the transformation that came is predictable. If education is indeed "one
of the principal causes of discontent," it performs that subversive function innocently by
developing intellect and character in such a way as to resist absorption into impersonal systems:
Here is the crux of the difference between education and schooling — the former turns on
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independence, knowledge, ability, comprehension, and integrity; the latter upon obedience.
In The Empire of Business (1902), Andrew Carnegie, author of the Homestead siege which
destroyed the steelworkers union, inveighs against "teachings which serve to imbue [children]
with false ideas." From a transatlantic business perspective, education taught what was socially
and economically useless, transmitting bad attitudes which turned students against the ripening
scheme of centralized national management. Carnegie's new empire demanded that old-fashioned
character be schooled out of children in a hurry. It would be a large mistake to assume this new
empire of business of which Carnegie boasts was only a new face on old style greed. While it did
take away liberty and sovereignty, it put forth serious intellectual arguments for doing so.
Ordinary people were promised what Walter Greene's outraged letter quoted earlier at the
beginning of this chapter tells you they got: the best space program, the best high-tech medicine,
the strongest military, the highest material standard of living. These things could not have been
accomplished without a kind of forced schooling that terminated most independent livelihoods.
That was the price paid for a gusher of easy prosperity.
To understand this paradox better requires some insight into what inspired such certainty among
the architects of modern schooling that this disruption would work to produce material
prosperity. Their faith that wealth would inevitably follow the social mechanization of the
population is founded on a magnificent insight of Francis Bacon's, set down in startlingly clear
prose back in the early seventeenth century. Thanks to the patronage of John Stuart Mill, by the
mid-nineteenth century, the seeds that Bacon planted grew into the cult of scientific positivism, a
movement we associate today with the name of a Frenchman, Auguste Comte. It's hard to
overestimate the influence positivism had on the formation of mass schooling and on the shaping
of an international corporate economy made possible by coal.
Positivism holds that if proper procedures are honored, then scientific marvels and inventions
follow automatically. If you weigh and measure and count and categorize slowly and patiently,
retaining the microscopic bits of data which can be confirmed, rejecting those that cannot, on and
on and on and on, then genius and talent are almost irrelevant — improvements will present
themselves regularly in an endless progression despite any fall-off in creative power. Advances in
power and control are mainly a function of the amount of money spent, the quantity of manpower
employed, and correct methodology.
Mankind can be freed from the tyranny of intelligence by faithful obedience to system! This is a
shattering pronouncement, one made all the more difficult to resist because it seems to work.
Even today, its full significance isn't widely understood, nor is the implacable enmity it demands
toward any spiritual view of humanity.
In the positivist method, the managerial classes of the late nineteenth century, including their
Progressive progeny in the social management game, knew they had a mill to grind perpetual
profits — financial, intellectual, and social. Since innovations in production and organization are a
principal engine of social change, and since positive science has the power to produce such
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innovations without end, then even during the launch of our era of scientific management it had to
be clear to its architects that nonstop social turbulence would be a daily companion of exercising
this power. This is what the closet philosophy of bionomics was there to explain. It preached that
the evolutionarily advanced would alone be able to tolerate the psychic chaos — as for the rest, the
fate of Cro-Magnon man and the Neanderthal were history's answer. And the circularity of this
convenient proposition was lost on its authors.
Faced with the problem of dangerous educated adults, what could be more natural than a factory
to produce safely stupefied children? You've already seen that the positive system has only limited
regard for brainy people, so nothing is lost productively in dumbing down and leveling the mass
population, even providing a dose of the same for "gifted and talented" children. And much can be
gained in social efficiency. What motive could be more "humane" than the wish to defuse the
social dynamite positive science was endlessly casting off as a byproduct of its success?
To understand all this you have to be willing to see there is no known way to stop the social
mutilation positive science leaves in its wake. Society must forcibly be adapted to accept its own
continuing disintegration as a natural and inevitable thing, and taught to recognize its own
resistance as a form of pathology to be expunged. Once an economic system becomes dependent
on positive science, it can't allow any form of education to take root which might interrupt the
constant accumulation of observations which produce the next scientific advance.
In simple terms, what ordinary people call religious truth, liberty, free will, family values, the idea
that life is not centrally about consumption or good physical health or getting rich — all these have
to be strangled in the cause of progress. What inures the positivistic soul to the agony it inflicts on
others is its righteous certainty that these bad times will pass. Evolution will breed out of
existence unfortunates who can't tolerate this discipline.
This is the sacred narrative of modernity, its substitute for the message of the Nazarene. History
will end in Chautauqua. School is a means to this end.
Plato's Guardians
Coal made common citizens dangerous for the first time. The Coal Age put inordinate physical
power within the reach of common people. The power to destroy through coal-derived explosive
products was an obvious dramatization of a cosmic leveling foreseen only by religious fanatics,
but much more dangerous as power became the power coal unleashed to create and to
produce — available to all.
The dangerous flip side of the power to produce isn't mere destruction, but overproduction, a
condition which could degrade or even ruin the basis for the new financial system. The superficial
economic advantage that overproduction seems to confer — increasing sales by reducing the unit
price of products through savings realized by positivistic gains in machinery, labor, and energy
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utilization — is more than offset by the squeezing of profits in industry, commerce, and finance. If
profit could not be virtually guaranteed, capitalists would not and could not gamble on the huge
and continuous investments that a positivistic science-based business system demands.
Now you can see the danger of competition. Competition pushed manufacturers to
overproduction in self-defense. And for double jeopardy, the unique American entrepreneurial
tradition encouraged an overproduction of manufacturers. This guaranteed periodic crises all
along the line. Before the modern age could regard itself as mature, ways had to be found to
control overproduction. In business, that was begun by the Morgan interests who developed a
system of cooperative trusts among important business leaders. It was also furthered through the
conversion of government from servant of the republic to servant of industry. To that end, the
British government provided a clear model; Britain's military and foreign policy functioned as the
right arm of her manufacturing interests.
But of what lasting value could controlling topical overproduction be — addressing it where and
when it threatened to break out — when the ultimate source of overproduction in products and
services was the overproduction of minds by American libertarian schooling and the
overproduction of characters capable of the feat of production in the first place? As long as such a
pump existed to spew limitless numbers of independent, self-reliant, resourceful, and ambitious
minds onto the scene, who could predict what risk to capital might strike next? To minds capable
of thinking cosmically like Carnegie's, Rockefeller's, Rothschild's, Morgan's, or Cecil Rhodes',
real scientific control of overproduction must rest ultimately on the power to constrain the
production of intellect. Here was a task worthy of immortals. Coal provided capital to finance it.
If the Coal Age promised anything thrilling to the kind of mind which thrives on managing the
behavior of others, that promise would best be realized by placing control of everything
important — food, clothing, shelter, recreation, the tools of war — in relatively few hands, creating
a new race of benevolent, godlike managers, not for their own good but the good of all. Plato had
called such benevolent despots "guardians." Why these men would necessarily be benevolent
nobody ever bothered to explain.
Abundant supplies of coal, and later oil, cried out for machinery which would tirelessly convert a
stream of low-value raw materials into a cornucopia of things which everyone would covet.
Through the dependence of the all on the few, an instrument of management and of elite
association would be created far beyond anything ever seen in the past. This powerful promise
was, however, fragilely balanced atop the need to homogenize the population and all its
descendant generations. 1 A mass production economy can neither be created nor sustained
without a leveled population, one conditioned to mass habits, mass tastes, mass enthusiasms,
predictable mass behaviors. The will of both maker and purchaser had to give way to the
predestinated output of machinery with a one-track mind.
Nothing posed a more formidable obstacle than the American family. Traditionally, a
self-sufficient production unit for which the marketplace played only an incidental role, the
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American family grew and produced its own food, cooked and served it; made its own soap and
clothing. And provided its own transportation, entertainment, health care, and old age assistance.
It entered freely into cooperative associations with neighbors, not with corporations. If that way
of life had continued successfully — as it has for the modern Amish — it would have spelled
curtains for corporate society.
Another factor which made ordinary citizens dangerous in a Coal Age was that coal gave rise to
heavy industries whose importance for war-making made it imperative to have a workforce
docile, dependable, and compliant. Too much was at stake to tolerate democracy. Coal-fired
industry had such a complex organization it could be seriously disrupted by worker sabotage, and
strikes could be fomented at any moment by a few dissident working men with some training in
rhetoric and a little education. The heightened importance to high-speed industry of calculating
mass labor as a predictable quality rendered nonconformity a serious matter.
The danger from ordinary people is greatly magnified by the positive philosophy which drives a
mass production, corporate management epoch. While it was necessary to sensitize ordinary
people to the primacy of scientific needs, and to do this partially by making the study of biology,
chemistry, physics, and so forth formal school lessons, to go further and reveal the insights of
Bacon and Comte about how easily and inevitably Nature surrenders her secrets to anybody in
possession of a simple, almost moronic method, was to open Pandora's box. The revolutionary
character of scientific discovery discussed earlier — that it requires neither genius nor expensive
equipment and is within reach of anyone — had to be concealed.
It was through schooling that this revolutionary aspect of science (once known or at least
suspected by tens of thousands of small, subsistence farming families and miscalled "Yankee
ingenuity") was hidden right out in the open. From the start, science teaching was what it remains
today: for the ordinary student, a simplified history of scientific discovery, and for the better
classes, a simple instilling of knowledge and procedures. In this transmission of factual data and
chronicles, the positive method remains unseen, unsuspected, and untaught.
Taught correctly, science would allow large numbers of young people to find and practice the
most effective techniques of discovery. The real gift science confers is teaching how to reach
potent conclusions by common powers of observation and reasoning. But if incidental
overproduction was already a crisis item in the minds of the new social planners, you can imagine
what hysteria any attempt to broadcast the secrets of discovery would have occasioned.
The General Education Board said it best when it said children had to be organized and taught in
a way that would not make them "men of science." 2 To that end, science was presented in as
authoritarian a form as Latin grammar, involving vast tracts of memorization. Children were
taught that technical competence is bought and sold as a commodity; it does not presume to direct
activities, or even to inquire into their purpose. When people are brought together to build a
shopping mall, a dam, or an atomic bomb, nothing in the contract gives them latitude to question
what they have been paid to do, or to stir up trouble with co-workers. Recruitment into the
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dangerous sciences was mostly limited to those whose family background made them safe. For the
rest, science was taught in a fashion to make it harmless, ineffective, and even dull.
Now my job is to open a window for you into that age of economic transformation whose needs
and opportunities gave us the schools we got and still have. Thorstein Veblen said back in 1904,
just a year or two before the forced schooling project began to take itself seriously, that "any
theoretical inquiry into cultural life as it is running into the future must take into account the
central importance of the businessman and his work." Insofar as any theorist aims to explain
aspects of modern life like schools, the line of approach has to be from the businessman's
standpoint, for it is business that drives the course of events.
And while I urge the reader to remember that no notion of single causes can possibly account for
schooling, yet the model of modern medicine — where the notion of single causes has been
brilliantly productive — can teach us something. When medicine became "modern" at the end of
the nineteenth century, it did so by embracing germ theory, a conception much less "factual" than
it appears. The idea in germ theory is to trace specific pathologies to single instigators. Whatever
its shortcomings, this narrowing of vision frequently revealed the direction in which successful
treatment lay.
Just so, the important thing in viewing the development of the modern economy is not to find in it
a conspiracy against children, but to remain detached enough to ask ourselves how the
development of forced schooling could have been any different than it was. To understand the
modern economy and modern schooling, we need to see how they grow organically from coal and
oil.
1 Coal explains a part of the curious fact that modern Mexico is still not a mass society in spite of its authoritarian
governing class and traditional ways, while the wealthy neighboring United States is. Mexico had no coal, and while
it has recently acquired oil (and NAFTA linkage to the mass economy of North America) which will level its citizenry
into a mass in time, centuries of individuation must first be overcome.
2 See epigraph, Chapter Eleven, Page 221, which states the vital proposition even more clearly.
Far-Sighted Businessmen
Coal has been used for thousands of years as domestic fuel, for most of that time only in the few
spots where it cropped out on the surface or was washed ashore by the sea. Any kind of plant
matter can become coal, but most of what we have is the gift of the earth as it existed 350 million
years ago when rushes and ferns grew tall as trees. Decay, compression, heat, and a great deal of
time make the rock that burns. As it sits in your cellar it continues to putrefy; all coal gives off
marsh gas or methane continuously. This is the reason coalmines blow up, a clue to even more
explosive secrets locked inside its shiny blackness.
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When infortuitously methane becomes mixed with 5 percent oxygen it creates a highly explosive
mixture miners call firedamp. Any bright eight -year -old could create this explosive with about five
minutes' training — one good reason why the mass development of intellect after the Coal Age
became more problematic than it might appear on the surface. Though such a possibility was
never a central cause of the rush to school, it and other facts like it were details of consequence in
the background of the tapestry.
Through the early years of the eighteenth century, enormous technical problems plagued the
development of coal. Once quarrying gave way to underground mining and shafts went below the
water table, seepage became a nightmare. And as underground workings extended further and
further from the shaft, the problem of hauling coal from where it was mined back to the shaft, and
from the shaft hoisted to the surface — distances between five hundred and one thousand feet in
places — posed enormous technological challenges. As did the simple matter of illumination in the
dark tunnels. Collections of marsh gas might be encountered at any turn, resulting in the sudden
termination of miners and all their expensive equipment.
Solving these problems took two centuries, but that effort resulted in the invention of the steam
engine and the railroad as direct solutions to the dilemmas of drainage and haulage under the
earth. A simple pump, "the miner's friend" patented by Savery in 1699, became Newcomen's
steam pump powered by water boiled over coalfires, driving a piston device which drained British
coal- mines for the next century. Priscilla Long says, "The up and down motion of this piston,
transferred to the moving parts of machines and especially to the wheels of trains" changed global
society. Newcomen's pump used so much coal it could only be used near coalmines, but James
Watt's engine, which came along at precisely the moment the Continental Congress was meeting
in 1776, was superior in every way: efficient and capable of delivering a source of power
anywhere.
Industries could now be located away from coal fields because the coal industry had invented the
railroad — as a way to solve its other underground problem, moving the coal from the diggings to
the surface. By the middle of the seventeenth century, the haulage problem had been partially
solved by laying wooden planks along coalmine tunnels as two parallel tracks upon which wagons
could be drawn. These tracks, it was soon realized, had an aboveground use, too, as a transport
highway from mine to sea and waterway. A century later, just after the moment some former
British colonies in North America became the United States, a coal operator tied the steam engine
of Watt to the task of moving coal from the seam face, and other men associated with large
collieries produced the first railroad expressly for the purpose of hauling coal.
It couldn't have run very long before other uses suggested themselves. Passenger travel followed
almost immediately — the world's first reliable transportation system. Once unleashed on an idea
this powerful, the globally successful British engineering community had a field day extending it.
By 1838, the first steamship had crossed the Atlantic; a short while later transatlantic travel was
on a timetable, just as classrooms in factory schools would come to be.
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The abundance of wood in the United States slowed the development of efficient railroads for an
interval, as, after all, wood was free. But as trains improved with dazzling speed, the economy
that wood offered was seen as a counterfeit — wood has only half the punch of coal. By 1836, coal
had driven wood from the infant railroads. Explosive growth followed at once. Trackage grew
from 1,100 miles in 1836 to 2,800 miles in 1841 to 5,600 miles in 1845, to 11,000 miles in 1850,
to 22,000 miles in 1855, to 44,000 miles in 1860 on the eve of the Civil War.
Could the North have overwhelmed the South so handily without railroads? Would the West have
developed the same way? The railroad, byproduct of the desire to gouge coal out of the earth,
was a general's best friend. And America's first working compulsion schools were given to the
nation by the Boston School Committee, an elite assembly importantly underwritten by money
and influence from Peabody coal and railroading interests the year after Andrew Jackson left
office. Far-sighted businessmen had seen the future before anyone else.
Coal Gives The Coup De Grace
The democracy which arises unprompted when people are on the same footing was finished with
the coming of coal-fired steam locomotives. Before railroads, production was decentralized and
dispersed among a myriad of local craftspeople. It was production on a small scale, mostly with
local raw materials, by and for local people. Since horse-drawn vehicles couldn't reliably expect
to make thirty miles a day, weather was always a vital reality in that kind of transport. Mud, snow,
flooded creeks, dried-up watercourses in summer — all were forces turning people inward where
they created lives of profound localness.
On the seacoast it was different. There, trading was international, and great trading families
accumulated large stocks of capital, but still production wasn't centralized in factories. The
pressure of idle capital, however, increasingly portended that something would come along to set
this money in motion eventually. Meanwhile, it was a world in which everyone was a producer of
some kind or a trader, entertainer, schoolteacher, logger, fisherman, butcher, baker, blacksmith,
minister. Little producers made the economic decisions and determined the pace of work. The
ultimate customers were friends and neighbors.
As mass production evolved, the job of production was broken into small parts. Instead of
finishing things, a worker would do the same task over and over. Fragmenting work this way
allowed it to be mechanized, which involved an astonishing and unfamiliar control of time. Human
beings now worked at the machine's pace, not the reverse, and the machine's pace was regulated
by a manager who no longer shared the physical task. Could learning in school be regulated the
same way? The idea was too promising not to have its trial.
Workers in mass production work space are jammed closely together in a mockery of sociability,
just as school kids were to be. Division of labor sharply reduced the meaning of work to
employees. Only managers understood completely what was going on. Close supervision meant
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radical loss of freedom from what had been known before. Now knowledge of how to do
important work passed out of local possession into the hands of a few owners and managers.
Cheap manufactured goods ruined artisans. And as if in answer to a capitalist's prayers,
population exploded in the coal-producing countries, guaranteeing cheaper and cheaper labor as
the Coal Age progressed. The population of Britain increased only 15 percent from 1651 to 1800,
but it grew thirteen times faster in the next coal century. The population of Germany rose 300
percent, the United States 1,700 percent. It was as if having other forms of personal significance
stripped from them, people turned to family building for solace, evidence they were really alive.
By 1913, coalmining afforded employment to one in every ten wage earners in the United States.
Completion of the nation's railroad network allowed the rise of business and banking communities
with ties to every whistle -stop and area of opportunity, increasing concentration of capital into
pools and trusts. "The whole country has become a close neighborhood," said one businessman in
1888. Invention and harnessing of steam power precipitated the greatest economic revolution of
modern times. New forms of power required large-scale organization and a degree of social
coordination and centralized planning undreamed of in Western societies since the Egypt of
Rameses.
As the implications of coal penetrated the national imagination, it was seen more and more by
employers that the English class system provided just the efficiency demanded by the logic of
mechanization — everyone to his or her place in the order. The madness of Jacksonian democracy
on the other hand, the irrationality of Southern sectionalism, the tradition of small
entrepreneurialism, all these would have to be overcome.
Realization of the end product of a managerial, mass production economic system and an orderly
social system seemed to justify any grief, any suffering. In the 1840s, British capitalists, pockets
jingling with the royal profits of earlier industrial decades and reacting against social unrest in
Britain and on the Continent, escalated their investments in the United States, bringing with their
crowns, pounds, and shillings, a political consciousness and social philosophy some Americans
thought had been banished forever from these shores.
These new colonizers carried a message that there had to be social solidarity among the upper
classes for capital to work. Financial capital was the master machine that activated all other
machinery. Capital had to be amassed in a few hands to be used well, and amassing capital wasn't
possible unless a great degree of trust permeated the society of capitalists. That meant living
together, sharing the same philosophical beliefs on big questions, marrying into each other's
families, maintaining a distance from ordinary people who would certainly have to be ill-treated
from time to time out of the exigencies of liberal economics. The greatest service that Edith
Wharton and Henry James, William Dean Howells and a few other writers did for history was to
chronicle this withdrawal of capital into a private world as the linchpin of the new system.
For the moment, however, it's only important to see how reciprocal the demands of
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industrialization and the demands of class snobbishness really are. It isn't so much that people
gaining wealth began to disdain their ordinary neighbors as it is that such disdain is an integral
part of the wealth-building process. In-group disdain of others builds team spirit among various
wealth seekers. Without such spirit, capital could hardly exist in a stable form because great
centralized businesses and bureaus couldn't survive without a mutual aid society of interlocking
directorates which act effectively to restrain competition.
Whether this process of separation and refinement of human raw material had any important
influence on the shape and purpose of forced schooling, I leave to your own judgment. It's for
you to decide if what Engels termed the contradiction between the social character of production
and its control by a few individuals was magnified in the United States by the creation of a
national managerial class. That happened in a very short span of time in the last quarter of the
nineteenth century.
The Spectre Of Uncontrolled Breeding
School as we know it was the creation of four great coal powers whose ingenious employment of
the coal-powered steam engine shrank distance and crippled local integrity and the credibility of
local elites. But the United States produced almost as much coal as the other three school-bound
nations put together, as you can see from figures for coal production in 1905: 1) United
States — 351 million tons; 2) United Kingdom — 236 million tons; 3) Germany — 121 million tons;
4) France — 35 million tons.
Prior to the advent of coal-based economics, mass society was a phenomenon of the Orient,
spoken of with contempt in the West. Even as late as 1941, 1 remember a barrage of adult
discourse from press, screen, radio, and from conversations of elders that Japan and China had no
regard for human life, by which I presume they meant individual human life. "Banzai!" was
supposed to be the cry of fanatical Japanese infantrymen eager to die for the Emperor, but
Western fighting men, in the words of H.G. Wells' wife, were "thinking bayonets." For that
reason Germany was much more feared than Japan in WWII.
With the advent of coal and steam engines, modern civilization and modern schooling came about.
One of the great original arguments for mass schooling was that it would tame and train children
uprooted from families broken by mining and factory work. In sophisticated spots like Unitarian
Boston and Quaker/ Anglican Philadelphia, school was sold to the upper classes as a tool to keep
children from rooting themselves in the culture of their own industrially debased parents.
The full impact of coal-massified societies on human consciousness is caught inadvertently in Cal
Tech nuclear scientist Harrison Brown's The Challenge of Man's Future (1954), a book
pronounced "great" by fellow Nobel Prize-winning geneticist Hermann Muller. Brown examines
carefully the probability that the human carrying capacity of the planet is between 50 and 200
billion people, before summarizing the reasons this fact is best kept secret:
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If humanity had its way, it would not rest content until the earth is covered
completely and to a considerable depth with a writhing mass of human beings,
much as a dead cow is covered with a pulsating mass of maggots.
Brown's metaphors reveal something of the attitude that raised schooling in the first place on the
industrial base of coal, steam, and steel. Among other things, the new institution would be an
instrument to prevent mass humanity from "having its way."
This essay, characteristic of many such syntheses issuing from foundation and
corporate-sponsored university figures of reputation through the century, as well as from public
intellectuals like H.G. Wells, was written on the island of Jamaica which to Brown "appears to be
a tropical paradise," but his scientific eye sees it is actually "the world in miniature" where "the
struggle for survival goes on" amidst "ugliness, starvation, and misery." In this deceptive Utopia,
the "comfortable and secure" 20 percent who live in a "machine civilization" made possible by
coal and oil, are actually "in a very precarious position," threatened by the rapid multiplication of
"the starving." Such paranoia runs like a backbone through Western history, from Malthus to Carl
Sag an.
Only the United States can stop the threat of overbreeding, says Nobel laureate Brown. "The
destiny of humanity depends on our decisions and upon our actions." And what price should we
pay for safety? Nothing less than "world authority with jurisdiction over population." The penalty
for previous overproduction of the unfit had become by 1954 simply this, that "...thoughts and
actions must be ever more strongly limited." Brown continued, "[We must create a society] where
social organization is all-pervasive, complex and inflexible, and where the state completely
dominates the individual." What is "inflexible" social organization but a class system? Remember
your own school. Did a class system exist there? I can see you through my typewriter keys.
You're nodding.
Global Associations Of Technique
In 1700 it took nineteen farmers to feed one nonfarmer, a guarantee that people who minded
other people's business would only be an accent note in general society. One hundred years later
England had driven its yeoman farmers almost out of existence, converting a few into an
agricultural proletariat to take advantage of machine-age farming practices only sensible in large
holdings. By 1900, one farmer could feed nineteen, releasing eighteen men and women for
disposal otherwise. Schools during this period, however, remained trapped in the way things used
to be, unable to deliver on their inherent potential as massifiers.
Between 1830 and 1840, the decade in which the Boston School Committee came into existence,
a fantastic transformation built out of steam and coal became visible. When the decade began, the
surface aspect of the nation was consistent with the familiar life of colonial times, the same
relationships, the same values. By its end, modern American history begins. Chicago, a frontier
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fort in 1832, was by 1838 a flourishing city with eight daily steamboat connections to Buffalo, the
Paris of Lake Erie.
But something to rival steam-driven transport in importance appeared at almost the same time:
cheap steel. The embryonic steel industry which had come into existence in the eighteenth century
revolutionized itself in the nineteenth when the secret of producing steel cheaply was revealed.
Formerly steel had been bought dearly in small quantities by smelting iron ore with coke,
converting the resulting iron pigs into wrought iron by puddling. This was followed by rolling and
then by processing fine wrought iron through a further step called cementation. Steel made this
way could only be used for high-grade articles like watch springs, knives, tools, and shoe buckles.
The first part of the new steel revolution followed from discovery of the Bessemer process in
1856. Now steel could be made directly from pig iron. In 1865 the Siemens-Martin open hearth
technique gave a similar product of even more uniform quality than Bessemer steel. The next
advance occurred in 1879 when Thomas and Gilchrist discovered how to use formerly unsuitable
phosphoric iron ore (more common than nonphosphoric) in steelmaking, yielding as its byproduct
valuable artificial fertilizer for agriculture. These two transformations made possible the
substitution of steel for wrought iron and opened hundreds of new uses. Steel rails gave a huge
push to railway construction, and structural steelwork marked a stupendous advance in
engineering possibilities, allowing a radical reconception of human society. Capital began to build
for itself truly global associations which made national sovereignty irrelevant for a small class of
leaders as long as a century ago. 3 And that fact alone had great relevance for the future of
schooling. As steel articulated itself rationally, vertical integration became the order of the day.
Iron and steel reached backwards to control coalmines and coking plants and forward to acquire
rolling mills, plant mills, wire-drawing facilities, galvanized iron and tin plate establishments, rod
mills, etc. Small under-takings were sucked inexorably into large trusts.
Every one of the most modern developments in technique and organization pioneered by steel was
echoed in the new factory schools: increase in the size of the plant; integration of formerly
independent educational factors like family, church, library, and recreational facility into a
coalition dominated by professional schooling; the specialization of all pedagogical labor; and the
standardization of curriculum, testing, and acceptable educational behavior. What confused the
issue for the participant population is that parents and students still believed that efficiency in the
development of various literacies was the goal of the school exercise. Indeed, they still do. But
that had ceased to be the purpose in big cities as early as 1905 . Schooling was about efficiency.
Social efficiency meant standardizing human units.
Surprisingly enough to those who expect that institutional thiriking will reflect their own thought
only on a larger scale, what is an asset to a mass production economy is frequently a liability to an
individual or a family. Creating value in children for a mass production workplace through
schooling meant degrading their intellectual growth and discouraging any premature utility to the
larger society. Ellwood P. Cubberley inadvertently spilled the beans in his classic Public Education
in the United States when he admitted compulsion schooling would not work as long as children
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were allowed to be useful to the real world. Ending that usefulness demanded legislation,
inspectors, stiff penalties, and managed public opinion.
New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Indiana, North Carolina, Michigan,
Wisconsin, and Rhode Island led the charge to seal off the escape route of useful work for
children, just as they once led the drive for compulsion schooling in the first place. The child labor
rhetoric of the day was impressively passionate, some of it genuinely felt and needed, but the
cynical aspect can be detected in a loophole created for show business children — "professional
children" as they are called in the argot. Whether the "work" of an actor -child is less degrading
than any other kind of work is a question not difficult for most people to answer.
3 This is the simplest explanation for events which would otherwise fall beyond the reach of the mind to
understand — such as the well-documented fact that legendary German armaments maker Krupp sold its cannon to
France during World War I, shipping them to the enemy by a circuitous route clouded by clerical thaumaturgy, or
that the Ford Motor Company built tanks and other armaments for the Nazi government during WWII, collecting its
profits through middle men in neutral Spain. Ford petitioned the American government for compensation of
damages suffered by its plants in wartime bombing raids, compensation it received by Act of Congress with hardly
a dissenting vote. Nor were Krupp and Ford more than emblems of fairly common practice, even if one unknown to
the common citizenry of combatant nations.
Labor Becomes Expendable
One dramatic illustration of the positive philosophy in action is written in coal dust. As a heat
source, coal seems a simple trade-off: we accept environmental degradation and the inevitable
death and crippling of a number of coalminers (350,000 accidental deaths since 1800, 750,000
cases of black lung disease, and an unknown number of permanent and temporary injuries) in
exchange for warmth in cold weather and for other good things. But all sorts of unpredictable
benefits flowed from the struggle to make the business of keeping warm efficient, and the world
of forced schooling was dictated by coal.
Consider the romantic gaslight era which by 1 870, as far away as Denver and San Francisco,
graced the nights of American villages and cities with magical illumination made possible by coal
gas produced when coal is purified into coke. In addition to allowing the steel industry to replace
the iron industry, this major unforeseen benefit turned night into day as settlements blazed with
fight. And with illumination, coal had only just begun to share its many secrets. It was also a
storehouse of chemical wealth out of which the modern chemical industry was born. Coke ovens
produced ammonia liquor as a byproduct from which agricultural fertilizer is easily prepared; it's
also a basis for cheap, readily available, medium-yield explosives.
Coal yields benzol and tars from which our dyes and many modern medicines are made; it yields
gas which can be converted into electrical energy; it yields perfumes and dozens of other useful
things. During the production of coal gas, sulphur — the source of sulfuric acid vital to many
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chemical processes — is collected. Coal tar can further be refined into kerosene. From 1850 to
1 860, the German scientist August Wilhelm von Hoffmann, working at the Royal College of
Chemistry in England, made discoveries inspired by coal's extraordinary hidden potential which
elevated chemistry into a national priority in those countries which maintained extra-territorial
ambitions like the United States. By 1896, heavier-than-air flight had been achieved long before
the Wright brothers when a pilotless steam airplane with a forty foot wingspan began making trips
along the Potomac River near Washington in full view of many important spectators.
As great as coal and steam engines were at stimulating social ferment, they met their master in oil
and the internal combustion engine. Coal is twice as efficient an energy source as wood; oil twice
as efficient as coal. Oil made its debut just as the Civil War began. As with coal, there had been
ancient references to this form of liquid coal in Strabo, Dioscorides, and Pliny. Records exist of its
use in China and Japan in the Pre-Christian era (Marco Polo described the oil springs of Baku at
the end of the thirteenth century). All that was needed was an engine adapted to its use.
The first patent for the use of gasoline motive power was issued in England in 1794. By 1820 at
Cambridge University men knew how to use gas to move machinery. By 1860 gas engines were in
limited use all over Europe, four hundred in Paris alone. The first American exploitation of any
importance occurred at Seneca Lake, New York, in 1859, not a long ride from the ancestral home
of the Rockefeller family in the town of Bainbridge. Following the lead of coal, oil was soon
producing a fossil-fuel transformation of American society, even though irregular supply kept oil
from achieving its dominant place in the energy pantheon quickly. But by 1898 the supply
problem was solved. Twelve years later, oil replaced coal as the energy of choice, delivering
advantages by weight, saving labor in transit, storage, and extraction, and just as with coal,
undreamed of bonus benefits were harvested from oil. In 1910, a windfall of 3 million horsepower
hours was generated from waste gas alone, thrown off by oil used in blast furnace operation.
Burying Children Alive
Think of coalmines as vast experimental laboratories of human behavior testing the proposition
that men, women, and children will do virtually anything — even allow themselves to be consigned
to damp dangerous tunnels under the ground for all the sunlight hours in order to have real work
to do as part of the community of mankind. If the American Revolution could be said (as the
Declaration held) to demonstrate a self-evident truth, that all were "endowed by their Creator
with certain unalienable Rights," the coal revolution tested the contrary proposition — just how far
those rights could be taken away if exchanged for work. Work was shown by this unworldly
occupation to be a value as necessary to human contentment as liberty and the pursuit of
happiness. In lieu of alternatives, people would indeed bury themselves alive to get it.
And coal was a continuous, highly visible object lesson about just how thoroughly the concerns of
unseen outside interests could be imposed on childhood. For over a century, the best profits had
come from using young children as coalminers. By 1843, when Horace Mann visited
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coal-dependent Prussia to gather background for his Seventh Report, boys and girls between the
ages of five and eight were at work in every coalmine in America. Fifty percent of all coalminers
were children.
Children were employed as trappers to open and shut doors guiding air through the mine, as fillers
to fill carriages as grown men knocked coal from the seams, and as hurriers to push trucks along
to the workers at the foot of the shaft. In some places trucks were pulled instead of pushed, and
little girls were employed as pullers because their small size was in harmony with the diminutive
tunnels, and because they were more dependable than boys. An excerpt from a Pittsburgh
newspaper of the day is instructive:
A girdle is put round the naked waist, to which a chain from the carriage is
hooked, and the girls crawl on their hands and knees, drawing the carriage
after them.
One quiet stream in my own family background was the McManus family from West Elizabeth,
Pennsylvania, Irish immigrants in the 1840s. Census records list some of them as coal- miners. My
grandmother was Moss McManus before she became Moss Zimmer. She never talked about the
past or recalled a single ancestor except one, a McManus licensed as a Mississippi River pilot in a
document signed by Abraham Lincoln which still floats around somewhere in the family. What of
all those coalminers, Moss? No memories for your grandson? I suppose the answer is she was
ashamed. Coalmining was something that ignorant, shanty-boat Irish did, not a fit occupation for
lace-curtain Irish, as Moss tried so hard to be in the face of long odds.
Long after the owners of mines, mills, and factories had abandoned piety except on ceremonial
occasions, miners would pray for the strength to endure what had to be endured. Their children
would pray with them. Here are the words of a little eight-year-old girl — exactly the age of my
own granddaughter Moss as I write this — who worked as a coal miner a hundred years ago.
Worked, perhaps, for the famously civilized Dwights and Peabodys of New England:
I'm a trapper in the Gamer Pit. I have to trap without a light and I'm scared. I
go at four and sometimes half past three in the morning and come out at five
and a half past. I never go to sleep. Sometimes I sing when I've light, but not
in the dark, I dare not sing then.
Isn't the most incredible part of that the fact she could write so eloquently with no formal
schooling at all? The year was 1867. A newspaper of that year observed:
Chained, belted, harnessed like dogs in a go-cart, black, saturated with wet and
more than half-naked — crawling upon their hands and feet and dragging their
heavy loads behind them — they presented an appearance indescribably
disgusting and unnatural.
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The confinement of American children to warehouse schools less than a half-century later had
been pioneered by the Massachusetts experiment we associate with Horace Mann in the decade
just before the Civil War. No other state followed Massachusetts' lead for a long time, but
everywhere children were engaged in mining and factory work. In Massachusetts, the essential
practice in confinement was underway, a prelude to universal acceptance of schooling as the
natural burden of childhood.
Schools were the anti-matter twins of mines and mills: the latter added children to the labor
market, schools subtracted them. Both were important functions of a new, centralized command
economy. By 1900, direct child labor had been rendered unnecessary by the swift onset of
mechanization, except in those anomalous areas like theater, carnival, advertising, and modeling
where special pleading to keep children at work would succeed during the general campaign to
insulate children from common life.
The End Of Competition
By 1905, industrial corporations employed 71 percent of all wage earners, mining enterprises 10
percent more. At exactly the moment forced-schooling legislation in America was being given its
bite by the wholesale use of police, social service investigators, and public exhortation, corporate
capitalism boiled up like sulphur in the Monongahela to color every aspect of national life.
Corporate spokesmen and academic interpreters, often the same people, frequently explained
what was happening as a stage in the evolution of the race. A Johns Hopkins professor writing in
1900 said that what was really happening behind the smokescreen of profit-making was "the
sifting out of genius" and "the elimination of the weak."
The leading patent attorney in the nation speaking in the same year said nothing, including the
law, could stem the new tide running, the only realistic course was "acquiescence and
adjustment." Charles Willard of Sears & Roebuck was the speaker. Willard suggested the familiar
American competitive system "is not necessarily meant for all eternity." Business was wisely
overthrowing competitive wastefulness which produced only "panic, overproduction, bad
distribution and uncertainty, replacing it with protected privilege for elected producers."
The principles of the business revolution which gave us schooling are still virtually unknown to
the public. Competition was effectively crippled nearly a century ago when, profoundly influenced
by doctrines of positivism and scientific Darwinism, corporate innovators like Carnegie and
Morgan denounced competition's evils, urging the mogul class to reconstruct America and then
the world, in the cooperative corporate image. "Nothing less than the supremacy of the world lies
at our feet," said Carnegie prophetically. Adam Smith's competitive, self-regulating market would
be the death of the new economy if not suppressed because it encouraged chronic overproduction.
Henry Holt, the publisher, speaking in 1908, said there was "too much enterprise." The only
effective plan was to put whole industries under central control; the school industry was no
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exception. Excessive overproduction of brains is the root cause of the overproduction of
everything else, he said.
James Livingston has written an excellent short account of this rapid social transformation,
calledOrigins of the Federal Reserve System, from which I've taken some lessons. Livingston tells
us that the very language of proponents of corporate America underwent a radical change at the
start of the century. Business decisions began to be spoken of almost exclusively as courses of
purposeful social action, not mere profit-seeking. Charles Phillips of the Delaware Trust wrote,
for instance, "The banker, the merchant, the manufacturer, and the agent of transportation must
unite to create and maintain that reasonable distribution of opportunity, of advantage, and of
profit, which alone can forestall revolution." (emphasis added) It hardly requires genius to see
how such a directive would play itself out in forced schooling.
In 1900, in his book Corporations and the Public Welfare, James Dill warned that the most critical
social question of the day was figuring out how to get rid of the small entrepreneur, yet at the
same time retain his loyalty "to a system based on private enterprise." The small entrepreneur had
been the heart of the American republican ideal, the soul of its democratic strength. So the many
school training habits which led directly to small entrepreneurship had to be eliminated.
Control of commodity circulation by a few demanded similar control in commodity production.
To this end, immediate sanctions were leveled against older practices: first, destruction of skilled
worker craft unions which, up to the Homestead steel strike in 1892, had regulated the terms of
work in a factory. Inside a decade, all such unions were rendered ineffective with the single
exception of the United Mine Workers. Second, professionalization of mental labor to place it
under central control also was speedily accomplished through school requirements and licensing
legislation.
In the emerging world of corporate Newspeak, education became schooling and schooling
education. The positive philosophy freed business philosophers like Carnegie from the tyranny of
feeling they had always to hire the best and brightest on their own independent terms for company
operations. Let fools continue to walk that dead-end path. Science knew that obedient and faithful
executives were superior to brilliant ones. Brains were needed, certainly, but like an excess of
capsicum, too much of the mental stuff would ruin the national digestion. One of the main points
of the dramatic shift to mass production and mass schooling was to turn Americans into a mass
population.
America Is Massified
Older American forms of schooling would never have been equal to the responsibility coal, steam,
steel, and machinery laid upon them As late as 1890, the duration of the average school year was
twelve to twenty weeks. Even with that, school attendance hovered between 26 and 42 percent
nationwide with the higher figure only in a few places like Salem, Massachusetts.
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Yet America had to be massified, and quickly. Since the end of the nineteenth century, American
government and big business had been fully committed, without public fanfare, to creating and
maintaining a mass society. Mass society demands tight administration, close management to an
extreme degree. Humanity becomes undependable, dangerous, childlike, and suicidal under such
discipline. Holding this contradiction stable requires managers of systematic schooling to
withdraw trust, to regard their clientele as hospital managers might think of potentially homicidal
patients. Students, men under military discipline, and employees in post offices, hospitals, and
other large systems are forced into a condition of less than complete sanity. They are dangerous, 4
as history has shown again and again.
There are three indisputable triumphs of mass society we need to acknowledge to understand its
strength: first, mass production offers relative physical comfort to almost all — even the poor have
food, shelter, television as a story-teller to raise the illusion of community; second, as a byproduct
of intense personal surveillance in mass society (to provide a steady stream of data to the
producing and regulating classes) a large measure of personal security is available; third, mass
society offers a predictable world, one with few surprises — anxieties of uncertainty are replaced in
mass society with a rise in ennui and indifference.
4 When I first began to write this section, anotherof the long stream of post office massacres of recent years had
just taken place in New Jersey. Vengeance by a disgruntled employee. In the same state a hospital attendant has
been charged with murdering as many as a hundred of his patients by lethal injection, also a more common
occurrence than we want to imagine, and two rich boys at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado, the site of
a much-boasted-of scientific management revolution in 1994, had shot and killed thirteen of their classmates before
taking their own lives. Human variation cannot be pent up for long in enormous synthetic systems without striving to
somehow assert the "I" of things. Massified populations cannot exercise self-control very well since they depend on
constant oversight to behave as required. When external controls are removed, anything becomes possible.
German Mind Science
Back at the beginning of the nineteenth century, wise men and women, honorable individuals
themselves, came with sadness to realize that for all the foreseeable future, more and more
ordinary people would need to give their entire lives to a dark hole in the ground or in service to a
mind-destroying machine if a coal-fired dream world was to happen. People who grew up in the
clean air and the folk society of villages did not make good workers for the screaming factories or
the tunnels underground, or the anthill offices.
What was needed was some kind of halfway house that would train individuals for the halfway
lives ordinary people would be more and more called upon to lead. In a utopia of machinery and
steam, there could be free lunch for unprecedented numbers — but only if there were chains, bread,
and water for the rest, at least for some unknown while. Plans for such a halfway institution as
forced schooling (think of it as a training factory or a training mine) came together in Boston,
Philadelphia, and New York, drawn by the best minds, for the best motives. They inflicted
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stupendous damage on the libertarian rights and privileges bequeathed to Americans by the
nation's founders.
Profits from the industrial engine signed the checks for many nineteenth-century educational
experiments like New Lanark in Scotland and New Harmony in Indiana. They bought Fanny
Wright her school advocacy platform and helped her impose it on the Philadelphia Workingman's
Party agenda in 1829. Many of the nineteenth-century experimental social colonies looked upon
themselves as early emanations of Utopia, previews whispering to men and women what might be,
if only they turned their backs on the past and schooled for a new day. The brevity of these
experiments did nothing to discourage their successors.
The coal of Westphalia in association with the iron of Lorraine welded the scattered states of
Germany into a ferocious Utopian empire in the last half of the nineteenth century. That empire,
birthplace of successful, mass forced schooling, made war upon the world, spreading its
conception of research universities and its Spartan state philosophy of universal indoctrination and
subordination all over the planet. In 1868, Japan adopted large parts of the Prussian constitution
together with the Prussian style of schooling. The garment that coal fashioned for Aryan children
was worn enthusiastically by coal-free Nipponese as their own.
German mental science came to rule the classrooms of the world in the early twentieth century,
nowhere more thoroughly than in coal-rich and oil-rich America. America provided a perch from
which to study people closely and resources with which to find ways to bring them into
compliance. Even without intense ideological motivation driving the project, the prospect of a
reliable domestic market which could be milked in perpetuity would have been incentive enough
to propel the school project, I believe.
These new studies growing out of the coal-swollen ranks of leisured academic lives suggested
there should be radical changes in the mental diet of children. A plan emerged piecemeal in these
years to be slowly inserted into national schooling. Seen from a distance a century later, it is
possible to discern the still shimmering outline of a powerful strategy drawing together at least ten
elements:
1 . Removal of the active literacies of writing and speaking which enable individuals to link
up with and to persuade others.
2. Destruction of the narrative of American history connecting the arguments of the
Founding Fathers to historical events, defrningwhat makes Americans different from
others besides wealth.
3. Substitution of a historical "social studies" catalogue of facts in place of historical
narrative.
4. Radical dilution of the academic content of formal curriculum which familiarized
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students with serious literature, philosophy, theology, etc. This has the effect of
curtailing any serious inquiries into economics, politics, or religion.
5. Replacement of academics with a balanced-diet concept of "humanities," physical
education, counseling, etc., as substance of the school day.
6. Obfuscation or outright denial of the simple, code-cracking drills which allow fluency in
reading to anyone.
7. The confinement of tractable and intractable students together in small rooms. In effect
this is a leveling exercise with predictable (and pernicious) results. A deliberate
contradiction of common-sense principles, rhetorically justified on the grounds of
psychological and social necessity.
8. Enlargement of the school day and year to blot up outside opportunities to acquire
useful knowledge leading to independent livelihoods; the insertion of misleading
surrogates for this knowledge in the form of "shop" classes which actually teach little of
skilled crafts.
9. Shifting of oversight from those who have the greatest personal stake in student
development — parents, community leaders, and the students themselves — to a ladder of
strangers progressively more remote from local reality. All school transactions to be
ultimately monitored by an absolute abstraction, the "standardized" test, correlating with
nothing real and very easily rigged to produce whatever results are called for.
10. Relentless low-level hostility toward religious interpretations of meaning.
There you have the brilliant formula used to create a coal-fired mass mind.
Before his sudden death, I watched my beloved bachelor friend and long-time fellow
schoolteacher Martin Wallach slowly surrender to forces of massification he had long resisted.
One day in his late fifties he said, "There isn't any reason to go out anymore. They send food in; I
have three hundred channels. Everything is on TV. I couldn't see it all if I had two lifetimes. With
my telephone and modem I can get anything. Even girls. There's only trouble outside anyway."
He fell dead a year later taking out his garbage.
Welcome to Utopia. We don't pray or pledge allegiance to anything here, but condoms and Ritalin
are free for the asking.
Rest in peace, Martin.
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Chapter 9
The Cult of Scientific Management
On the night of June 9, 1834, a group of prominent men "chiefly engaged in
commerce" gathered privately in a Boston drawing room to discuss a scheme
of universal schooling. Secretary of this meeting was William Ellery
Channing, Horace Mann 's own minister as well as an international figure and
the leading Unitarian of his day. The location of the meeting house is not
entered in the minutes nor are the names of the assembly's participants apart
from Channing. Even though the literacy rate in Massachusetts was 98
percent, and in neighboring Connecticut, 99.8 percent, the assembled
businessmen agreed the present system of schooling allowed too much to
depend upon chance. It encouraged more entrepreneurial exuberance than the
social system could bear.
— The minutes of this meeting are Appleton Papers collection,
Massachusetts Historical Society
Frederick W. Taylor
The first man on record to perceive how much additional production could be extracted from
close regulation of labor was Frederick Winslow Taylor, son of a wealthy Philadelphia lawyer.
"What I demand of the worker," Taylor said, "is not to produce any longer by his own initiative,
but to execute punctiliously the orders given down to their minutest details."
The Taylors, a prominent Quaker family from Germantown, Pennsylvania, had taken Freddy to
Europe for three years from 1869 to 1872, where he was attending an aristocratic German
academy when von Moltke's Prussian blitzkrieg culminated in the French disaster at Sedan and a
German Empire was finally proclaimed, ending a thousand years of disunion. Prussian schooling
was the widely credited forge which made those miracles possible. The jubilation which spread
through Germany underlined a presumably fatal difference between political systems which
disciplined with ruthless efficiency, like Prussia's socialist paradise, and those devoted to whimsy
and luxury, like France's. The lesson wasn't lost on little Fred.
Near the conclusion of his Principles of Scientific Management 1 (1911), published thirty-nine
years later, Taylor summarized the new managerial discipline as follows:
1. A regimen of science, not rule of thumb.
2. An emphasis on harmony, not the discord of competition.
3. An insistence on cooperation, not individualism.
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4. A fixation on maximum output.
5. The development of each man to his greatest productivity.
Taylor's biographers, Wrege and Greenwood, wrote:
He left us a great legacy. Frederick Taylor advanced a total system of
management, one which he built from pieces taken from numerous others
whom he rarely would credit.... His genius lies in being a missionary.
After Taylor's death in 1 91 5, the Frederick W. Taylor Cooperators were formed to project his
Scientific Management movement into the future. Frank Copley called Taylor "a man whose heart
was aflame with missionary zeal." Much about this Quaker-turned-Unitarian, who married into an
Arbella-descended Puritan family before finally becoming an Episcopalian, bears decisively on the
shape schooling took in this country. Wrege and Greenwood describe him as: "often arrogant,
somewhat caustic, and inflexible in how his system should be implemented.... Taylor was cerebral;
like a machine he was polished and he was also intellectual. ...Taylor's brilliant reasoning was
marred when he attempted to articulate it, for his delivery was often demeaning, even derogatory
at times."
Frank Gilbreth's 2 Motion Study says:
It is the never ceasing marvel concerning this man that age cannot wither nor
custom stale his work. After many a weary day's study the investigator awakes
from a dream of greatness to find he has only worked out a new proof for a
problem Taylor has already solved. Time study, the instruction card, functional
foremanship, the differential rate piece method of compensation, and numerous
other scientifically derived methods of decreasing costs and increasing output
and wages — these are by no means his only contributions to standardizing the
trades.
To fully grasp the effect of Taylor's industrial evangelism on American national schooling, you
need to listen to him play teacher in his own words to Schmidt at Bethlehem Steel in the 1890s:
Now Schmidt, you are a first-class pig-iron handler and know your business
well. You have been handling at a rate of twelve and a half tons per day. I have
given considerable study to handling pig-iron, and feel you could handle
forty-seven tons of pig-iron per day if you really tried instead of twelve and a
half tons.
Skeptical but willing, Schmidt started to work, and all day long, and at regular
intervals, was told by the men who stood over him with a watch, "now pick up
a pig and walk. Now sit down and rest. Now walk — rest," etc. He worked
when he was told to work, and rested when he was told to rest, and at half past
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five in the afternoon had his forty-seven tons loaded on the car.
The incident described above is, incidentally, a fabrication. There was no Schmidt except in
Taylor's mind, just as there was no close observation of Prussian schools by Mann. Below, he
testifies before Congress in 1912:
There is a right way of forcing the shovel into materials and many wrong ways.
Now, the way to shovel refractory stuff is to press the forearm hard against the
upper part of the right leg just below the thigh, like this, take the end of the
shovel in your right hand and when you push the shovel into the pile, instead of
using the muscular effort of the arms, which is tiresome, throw the weight of
your body on the shovel like this; that pushes your shovel in the pile with
hardly any exertion and without tiring the arms in the least.
Harlow Person called Taylor's approach to the simplest tasks of working life "a meaningful and
fundamental break with the past." Scientific management, or Taylorism, had four characteristics
designed to make the worker "an interchangeable part of an interchangeable machine making
interchangeable parts."
Since each quickly found its analogue in scientific schooling, let me show them to you: 3 1) A
mechanically controlled work pace; 2) The repetition of simple motions; 3) Tools and technique
selected for the worker; 4) Only superficial attention is asked from the worker, just enough to
keep up with the moving line. The connection of all to school procedure is apparent.
"In the past," Taylor wrote, "Man has been first. In the future the system must be first." It was not
sufficient to have physical movements standardized; the standardized worker "must be happy in
his work," too, therefore his thought processes also must be standardized. 4 Scientific
management was applied wholesale in American industry in the decade after 1910. It spread
quickly to schools.
In the preface to the classic study on the effects of scientific management on schooling in
America, Education and the Cult of Efficiency, 5 Raymond Callahan explains that when he set out
to write, his intent was to explore the origin and development of business values in educational
administration, an occurrence he tracks to about 1900. Callahan wanted to know why school
administrators had adopted business practices and management parameters of assessment when
"Education is not a business. The school is not a factory."
Could the inappropriate procedure be explained simply by a familiar process in which ideas and
values flow from high-status groups to those of lesser distinction? As Callahan put it, "It does not
take profound knowledge of American education to know that educators are, and have been, a
relatively low-status, low-power group." But the degree of intellectual domination shocked him:
What was unexpected was the extent, not only of the power of
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business-industrial groups, but of the strength of the business ideology... and
the extreme weakness and vulnerability of school administrators. I had
expected more professional autonomy and I was completely unprepared for the
extent and degree of capitulation by administrators to whatever demands were
made upon them. I was surprised and then dismayed to learn how many
decisions they made or were forced to make, not on educational grounds, but
as a means of appeasing their critics in order to maintain their positions in the
school, [emphasis added]
1 The actual term "scientific management" was created by famous lawyer Louis Brandeis in 1910 for the Interstate
Commerce Commission rate hearings. Brandeis understood thoroughly how a clever phrase could control public
imagination.
2 Gilbreth, the man who made the term "industrial engineering" familiar to the public, was a devotee ofTaylorism.
His daughter wrote a best seller about the Gilbreth home, Cheaper By The Dozen, in which her father's penchant for
refining work processes is recalled. Behind his back, Taylor ran Gilbreth down as a "fakir."
3 List adapted from Melvin Kranzberg and Joseph Gies, By the Sweat of Thy Brow.
4 Taylor was no garden-variety fanatic. He won the national doubles tennis title in 1881 with a racket of his own
design, and pioneered slip-on shoes (to save time, of course). Being happy in your work was the demand of
Bellamy and other leading socialist thinkers, otherwise you would have to be "adjusted" (hence the expression "well-
adjusted"). Taylor concurred.
5 Callahan's analysis why schoolmen are always vulnerable is somewhat innocent and ivory tower, and his
recommendation for reform — to effectively protect their revenue stream from criticism on the part of the public — is
simply tragic; but his gathering of data is matchless and his judgment throughout in small matters and large is
consistently illuminating.
The Adoption Of Business Organization By Schools
In 1903, The Atlantic Monthly called for adoption of business organization by schools and
William C. Bagley identified the ideal teacher as one who would rigidly "hew to the line."
Bagley's 6 ideal school was a place strictly reduced to rigid routine; he repeatedly stressed in his
writing a need for "unquestioned obedience."
Before 1900, school boards were large, clumsy organizations, with a seat available to represent
every interest (they often had thirty to fifty members). A great transformation was engineered in
the first decade of the twentieth century, however, and after 1910 they were dominated by
businessmen, lawyers, real estate men, and politicians. Business pressure extended from the
kindergarten rung of the new school ladder all the way into the German- inspired teacher training
schools. The Atlantic Monthly approved what it had earlier asked for, saying in 1910, "Our
universities are beginning to run as business colleges."
Successful industrial leaders were featured regularly in the press, holding forth on their success
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but seldom attributing it to book learning or scholarship. Carnegie, self-educated in libraries,
appears in his writings and public appearances as the leading school critic of the day; echoing
Carnegie, the governor of Michigan welcomed an NEA convention to Detroit with his injunction:
"The demand of the age is for practical education." The State Superintendent of Public Instruction
in Michigan followed the governor:
The character of our education must change with the oncoming of the years of
this highly practical age. We have educated the mind to think and trained the
vocal organs to express the thought, and we have forgotten the fact that in four
times out of five the practical man expresses his thought by the hand rather
than by mere words.
Something was cooking. The message was clear: academic education had become a strange kind
of national emergency, just as had been prophesied by the Department of Education's Circular of
Information in 1871 and 1872. Twenty years later Francis Parker praised the elite Committee of
Ten under Harvard president Charles Eliot for rejecting "tracking," the practice of school class
assignment based upon future social destination. The committee had come down squarely for
common schools, an ideal that Parker said was "worth all the pains necessary to produce the
report. The conclusion is that there should be no such thing as class education." Parker had
noticed the start of an attempt to provide common people with only partial education. He was
relieved it had been turned back. Or so he thought.
The pronouncements of the Committee of Ten turned out to be the last gasp of the common
school notion apart from Fourth of July rhetoric. The common school was being buried by the
determination of new tycoon-class businessmen to see the demise of an older
democratic-republican order and its dangerous libertarian ideals. If "educators," as they were
self-consciously beginning to refer to themselves, had any misunderstanding of what was expected
by 1910, NEA meetings of that year were specifically designed to clear them up. Attendees were
told the business community had judged their work to date to be "theoretical, visionary, and
impractical":
All over the country our courses are being attacked and the demand for
revision is along the line of fitting mathematical teaching to the needs of the
masses.
In 1909, Leonard Ayres charged in Laggards in Our Schools that although these institutions were
filled with "retarded children," school programs were, alas, "fitted. ..to the unusually bright one."
Ayres invented means for measuring the efficiency of school systems by computing the
dropout/holdover rate — a game still in evidence today. This was begging the question with a
vengeance but no challenge to this assessment was ever raised.
Taylor's system of management efficiency was being formally taught at Harvard and Dartmouth
by 1910. In the next year, 219 articles on the subject appeared in magazines, hundreds more
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followed: by 1917 a bibliography of 550 school management-science references was available
from a Boston publisher. As the steel core of school reform, scientific management enjoyed
national recognition. It was the main topic at the 1913 convention of the Department of
Superintendence. Paul Hanus, professor of education at Harvard, launched a series of books for
the World Book Company under the title School Efficiency Series, and famous muckraker J.M.
Rice published his own Scientific Management in Education in 1913, showing local "ward"
schooling an arena of low-lives and grifters.
Frederick Taylor's influence was not limited to America; it soon circled the globe. Principles of
Scientific Management spread the efficiency mania over Europe, Japan, and China. A letter to the
editor of The Nation in 191 1 gives the flavor of what was happening:
I am tired of scientific management, so-called. I have heard of it from scientific
managers, from university presidents, from casual acquaintances in railway
trains; I have read of it in the daily papers, the weekly paper, the ten-cent
magazine, and in the Outlook. I have only missed its treatment by Theodore
Roosevelt; but that is probably because I cannot keep up with his writings. For
15 years I have been a subscriber to a magazine dealing with engineering
matters, feeling it incumbent on me to keep in touch but the touch has become
a pressure, the pressure a crushing strain, until the mass of articles on shop
practice and scientific management threatened to crush all thought out of my
brain, and I stopped my subscription.
In an article from Izvestia dated April 1918, Lenin urged the system upon Russians.
6 His jargon-enriched Classroom Management (1907) was reprinted thirty times in the next 20 years asa teacher
training text. Bagley's metaphors drawn from big business can fairly be said to have controlled the pedagogical
imagination for the entire twentieth century.
The Ford System And The Kronstadt Commune
"An anti-intellectual, a hater of individuals," is the way Richard Stites characterizes Taylor in
Revolutionary Dreams, his book on the Utopian beginning of the Soviet Era. Says Stites, "His
system is the basis for virtually every twisted dystopia in our century, from death under the Gas
Bell in Zamiatin's We for the unspeakable crime of deviance, to the maintenance of a fictitious
state-operated underground in Orwell's 1984 in order to draw deviants into disclosing who they
are."
Oddly enough, an actual scheme of dissident entrapment was the brainchild of J.P. Morgan, his
unique contribution to the Cecil Rhodes-inspired "Round Table" group. Morgan contended that
revolution could be subverted permanently by infiltrating the underground and subsidizing it. In
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this way the thinking of the opposition could be known as it developed and fatally compromised.
Corporate, government, and foundation cash grants to subversives might be one way to derail the
train of insurrection that Hegelian theory predicted would arise against every ruling class.
As this practice matured, the insights of Fabian socialism were stirred into the mix; gradually a
socialist leveling through practices pioneered in Bismarck's Prussia came to be seen as the most
efficient control system for the masses, the bottom 80 percent of the population in advanced
industrial states. For the rest, an invigorating system of laissez-faire market competition would
keep the advanced breeding stock on its toes.
A large portion of the intellectual Left jumped on Taylor's bandwagon, even as labor universally
opposed it. Lenin himself was an aggressive advocate:
The war taught us much, not only that people suffered, but especially the fact
that those who have the best technology, organization, discipline and the best
machines emerge on top; it is this the war has taught us. It is essential to learn
that without machines, without discipline, it is impossible to live in modern
society. It is necessary to master the highest technology or be crushed.
But even in Russia, workers resisted Taylorish methods. The rebellion of the Kronstadt Commune
in 1921 charged that Bolsheviks were "planning to introduce the sweat labor system of Taylor."
They were right.
Taylor distilled the essence of Bismarck's Prussian school training under whose regimen he had
witnessed firsthand the defeat of France in 1871. His American syntheses of these disciplines
made him the direct inspiration for Henry Ford and "Fordism." Between 1895 and 1915, Ford
radically transformed factory procedure, relying on Taylorized management and a mass
production assembly line marked by precision, continuity, coordination, speed, and
standardization. Ford wrote two extraordinary essays in the 1920s, "The Meaning of Time," and
"Machinery, The New Messiah," in which he equated planning, timing, precision, and the rest of
the scientific management catalogue with the great moral meaning of life:
A clean factory, clean tools, accurate gauges, and precise methods of
manufacture produce a smooth working efficient machine [just as] clean
thinking, clean living, and square dealing make for a decent home life.
By the 1920s, the reality of the Ford system paralleled the rules of a Prussian infantry regiment.
Both were places where workers were held under close surveillance, kept silent, and punished for
small infractions. Ford was unmoved by labor complaints. Men were disposable cogs in his
machine. "A great business is really too big to be human," he commented in 1929. Fordism and
Taylorism swept the Soviet Union as they had swept the United States and Western Europe. By
the 1920s the words fordizatsiya and teilorizatsiya, both appellations describing good work habits,
were common across Russia.
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The National Press Attack On Academic Schooling
In May of 1911, the first salvo of a sustained national press attack on the academic ambitions of
public schooling was fired. For the previous ten years the idea of school as an oasis of mental
development built around a common, high-level curriculum had been steadily undermined by the
rise of educational psychology and its empty-child/elastic-child hypotheses. Psychology was a
business from the first, an aggressive business lobbying for jobs and school contracts. But
resistance of parents, community groups, and students themselves to the new psychologized
schooling was formidable.
As the summer of 191 1 approached, the influential Educational Review gave educators something
grim to muse upon as they prepared to clean out their desks: "Must definite reforms with
measurable results be foresworn," it asked, "that an antiquated school system may grind out
useless produce?" The magazine demanded quantifiable proof of school's contributions to
society — or education should have its budget cut. The article, titled "An Economic Measure of
School Efficiency," charged that "The advocate of pure water or clean streets shows by how
much the death rate will be altered with each proposed addition to his share of the budget — only a
teacher is without such figures." An editorial in Ladies Home Journal reported that dissatisfaction
with schools was increasing, claiming "On every hand signs are evident of a widely growing
distrust of the effectiveness of the present educational system..." In Providence, the school board
was criticized by the local press for declaring a holiday on the Monday preceding Decoration Day
to allow a four-day vacation. "This cost the public $5,000 in loss of possible returns on the money
invested," readers were informed.
Suddenly school critics were everywhere. A major assault was mounted in two popular journals,
Saturday Evening Post and Ladies Home Journal, with millions each in circulation, both read by
leaders of the middle classes. The Post sounded the anti-intellectual theme this way:
"Miltonized, Chaucerized, Vergilized, Shillered, physicked and chemicaled, the high
school.... should be of no use in the world — particularly the business world."
Three heavy punches in succession came from Ladies Home Journal: "The case of Seventeen
Million Children — Is Our Public-School System Providing an Utter Failure?" This declaration
would seem difficult to top, but the second article did just that: "Is the Public School a Failure? It
Is: The Most Momentous Failure in Our American Life Today." And a third, written by the
principal of a New York City high school, went even further. Entitled "The Danger of Running a
Fool Factory," it made this point: that education is "permeated with errors and hypocrisy," while
the Dean of Columbia Teachers College, James E. Russell added that "If school cannot be made
to drop its mental development obsession the whole system should be abolished." [emphasis mine]
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The Fabian Spirit
To speak of scientific management in school and society without crediting the influence of the
Fabians would do great disservice to truth, but the nature of Fabianism is so complex it raises
questions this essay cannot answer. To deal with the Fabians in a brief compass as I'm going to
do is to deal necessarily in simplifications in order to see a little how this charming group of
scholars, writers, heirs, heiresses, scientists, philosophers, bombazines, gazebos, trust- fund babies,
and successful men and women of affairs became the most potent force in the creation of the
modern welfare state, distributors of its characteristically dumbed-down version of schooling. Yet
pointing only to this often frivolous organization's eccentricity would be to disrespect the
incredible accomplishments of Beatrice Webb and her associates, and their decisive effort on
schooling. Mrs. Webb is the only woman ever deemed worthy of burial in Westminster Abbey.
What nineteenth-century Transcendent alists and Muggletonians hoped to be in reordering the
triumvirate of society, school, and family, twentieth-century Fabians actually were. Although far
from the only potent organization working behind the scenes to radically reshape domestic and
international life, it would not be too far out of line to call the twentieth century the Fabian
century. One thing is certain: the direction of modern schooling for the bottom 90 percent of our
society has followed a largely Fabian design — and the puzzling security and prestige enjoyed at
the moment by those who speak of "globalism" and "multiculturalism" are a direct result of heed
paid earlier to Fabian prophecies that a welfare state, followed by an intense focus on
internationalism, would be the mechanism elevating corporate society over political society, and a
necessary precursor to Utopia. Fabian theory is the Das Kapital of financial capitalism.
Fabianism always floated above simplistic politics, seeking to preempt both sides. The British
Labour Party and its post -WWII welfare state are Fabianism made visible. This is well
understood; not so easily comprehended are signs of an aristocratic temper — like this little
anti-meritocractic Fabian gem found in a report of the British College of Surgeons:
Medicine would lose immeasurably if the proportion of such students [from
upper-class and upper-middle-class homes] were to be reduced in favour of
precocious children who qualify for subsidies [i.e., scholarship students].
Even though meritocracy is their reliable cover, social stratification was always the Fabian's real
trump suit. Entitlements are another Fabian insertion into the social fabric, even though the idea
antedates them, of course.
To realize the tremendous task Fabians originally assigned themselves (a significant part of which
was given to schooling to perform), we need to reflect again on Darwin's shattering books, The
Origin of Species (1859) and The Descent of Man (1871), each arguing in its own way that far
from being blank slates, children are written upon indelibly by their race of origin, some "favored"
in Darwin's language, some not. A powerful public relations initiative of recent years has
attempted to separate Darwin from "social Darwinism," but it cannot be done because Darwin
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himself is the prototypical social Darwinist. Both books taken together issued a license for liberal
upper classes to justify forced schooling. From an evolutionary perspective, schools are the
indoctrination phase of a gigantic breeding experiment. Working-class fantasies of
"self- improvement" were dismissed from the start as sentimentality that evolutionary theory had
no place for.
What Darwin accomplished with his books was a freeing of discussion from the narrow
straitjacket it had worn when society was considered a matter of internal associations and
relationships. Darwin made it possible to consider political affairs as a prime instrument of social
evolution. Here was a pivotal moment in Western thought, a changing of the guard in which
secular purpose replaced religious purpose, long before trashed by the Enlightenment.
For the poor, the working classes, and middle classes in the American sense, 7 this change in
outlook, lauded by the most influential minds of the nineteenth century, was a catastrophe of
titanic proportions, especially for government schoolchildren. Children could no longer simply be
parents' darlings. Many were (biologically) a racial menace. The rest had to be thought of as
soldiers in genetic combat, the moral equivalent of war. For all but a relative handful of favored
families, aspiration was off the board as a scientific proposition.
For governments, children could no longer be considered individuals but were regarded as
categories, rungs on a biological ladder. Evolutionary science pronounced the majority useless
mouths waiting for nature to dispense with entirely. Nature (as expressed through her human
agents) was to be understood not as cruel or oppressive but beautifully, functionally
purposeful — a neo-pagan perspective to be reflected in the organization and administration of
schools.
Three distinct and conflicting tendencies competed in the nineteenth-century theory of society:
first was the empirical tendency stemming from John Locke and David Hume which led to that
outlook on the study of society we call pragmatism, and eventually to behavioristic psychology;
the second line descended from Immanuel Kant, Hegel, Savigny, and others and led to the organic
theory of the modern state, the preferred metaphor of Fabians (and many later systems theorists);
the third outlook comes to us out of Rousseau, Diderot, d'Alembert, Bentham, the Mills, and
leads almost directly to the utilitarian state of Marxist socialism. Each of these postures was
savagely assailed over time by the development of academic Darwinism. After Darwin, utopia as a
human-friendly place dies an agonizing death. The last conception of utopia after Darwin which
isn't some kind of hellish nightmare is William Morris' News from Nowhere.
With only niggling reservations, the Fabian brain trust had no difficulty employing force to shape
recalcitrant individuals, groups, and organizations. Force in the absence of divine injunctions is a
tool to be employed unsentimentally. Fabian George Bernard Shaw established the principle
wittily in 1920 when he said that under a Fabian future government:
You would not be allowed to be poor. You would be forcibly fed, clothed,
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lodged, taught, and employed whether you like it or not. If it were discovered
that you have not character and industry, you might possibly be executed in a
kindly manner.
- The Intelligent Woman 's Guide to Socialism and Capitalism
Fabianism came into existence around the year 1884, taking its name from Roman general Fabius
Cunctator 8 who preserved the Roman state by defeating Hannibal, chipping away at Hannibal's
patience and will to win by avoiding combat. Darwin was the weird holy man Fabians adored, the
man who gave them their principle, a theory inspirationally equal to god-theory, around which a
new organization of society could be justified.
Society, after Darwin, was incontrovertibly about good breeding. That was the only true goal it
had, or scientifically could have. Before Darwin, the view of historical development which fit best
with Anglo/American tradition was a conception of individual rights independent of any theory of
reciprocal obligations to the State; the duty of leaders was to Society, not to Government, a
crucial distinction in perfect harmony with the teachings of Reformation Christianity, which
extended to all believers a conception of individual duty, individual responsibility, and a free will
right to decide for oneself beyond any claims of states. John Calvin proclaimed in his Institutes
that through natural law, the judgment of conscience alone was able to distinguish between justice
and injustice. It's hard for secular minds to face, but the powerful freedoms of the West,
unmatched by any other society at any other time, are rooted deeply in a religion so radical, so
demanding it revolts the modern temper.
For Protestant Christians, salvation was uniquely a matter between God and the individual. The
mind of northern Europe had for centuries been fixed on the task of winning liberties for the
individual against the State. Notable individual freedoms were taken from the State beginning
symbolically at Runnemede 9 in 121 5. By 1859, six and a half centuries later, in the Age of Darwin,
individual rights were everywhere in the Anglo-Saxon world understood to transcend theories of
obligation to the State. Herbert Spencer embodies this attitude, albeit ambiguously. For Spencer,
Darwinian evolution promised rights only to the strong. It is well to keep in mind that his brief for
liberty masks a rigorously exclusionary philosophy, particularly when he sounds most like Thomas
Paine. The first and second amendments of our own constitution illustrate just how far this
freedom process could carry. Say what you please before God and Man; protect yourself with a
gun if need be from government interference.
Spencer was the reigning British philosopher from 1870 to 1900. In the Westminster Review of
January 1860, he wrote: "The welfare of citizens cannot rightly be sacrificed to some supposed
benefit of the State, the State is to be maintained solely for the benefit of citizens. 10 The corporate
life in society must be subservient to the lives of its parts, instead of the lives of the parts being
subservient to the corporate life." Spencer had an even greater vogue in America, influencing
every intellectual from Walt Whitman to John Dewey and becoming the darling of corporate
business. Early in 1882 a grand dinner was held in his honor by the great and powerful who
gathered to hear scientific proof of Anglo-Saxon fitness for rule — and a brief for moral relativism.
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This dinner and its implications set the standard for twentieth- century management, including the
management of schooling. A clear appraisal of the fateful meal and its resonance is given in E.
Digby Baltzell's The Protestant Establishment, a well-bred look at the resurgence of the Anglican
outlook in America.
This attitude constituted a violent contradiction of German strong-state, state-as- first-parent
doctrine which held that interests of the individual as individual are without significance. But
derogation of individual rights was entirely consistent with Darwinian science. The German
authoritarian preference received an invigorating restorative with Darwin's advent. Natural
selection, the operational principle of Darwinism, was held to reach individuals only
indirectly — through the action of society. Hence society becomes a natural subject for regulation
and intervention by the State.
To illustrate how reverberant a drum the innocent -sounding locution "natural selection" 11 can
really be, translated into social practice, try to imagine how denial of black dignities and rights and
the corresponding degradation of black family relationships in America because of this denial,
might well be reckoned an evolutionarily positive course, in Darwinian terms. By discouraging
Negro breeding, eventually the numbers of this most disfavored race would diminish. The state
not only had a vested interest in becoming an active agent of evolution, it could not help but
become one, willy-nilly. Fabians set out to write a sensible evolutionary agenda when they entered
the political arena. Once this biopolitical connection is recognized, the past, present, and future of
this seemingly bumbling movement takes on a formidable coherence. Under the dottiness,
lovability, intelligence, high social position, and genuine goodness of some of their works, the
system held out as humanitarian by Fabians is grotesquely deceptive; in reality, Fabian compassion
masks a real aloofness to humanity. It is purely an intellectual project in scientific management.
Thomas Davidson's History of Education seen through this lens transmutes in front of our eyes
from the harmlessly addled excursion into romantic futurism it seems to be into a manual of
frightening strategic goals and tactical methods. Fabians emerged in the first years of the twentieth
century as great champions of social efficiency in the name of the evolutionary destiny of the race.
This infused a powerful secular theology into the movement, allowing its members to revel
privately in an ennobling destiny. The Fabian program spread quickly through the best colleges
and universities under many different names, multiplying its de facto membership among young
men and women blissfully unaware of their induction. They were only being modern. H.G Wells
called it "the open conspiracy" in an essay bearing the same title, and worth your time to track
down.
As the movement developed, Fabians became aristocratic friends of other social-efficiency
vanguards like Taylorism or allies of the Methodist social gospel crowd of liberal Christian
religionists busy substituting Works for Faith in one of the most noteworthy religious reversals of
all time. Especially, they became friends and advisors of industrialists and financiers, travelers in
the same direction. This cross-fertilization occurred naturally, not out of petty motives of profit,
but because by Fabian lights evolution had progressed furthest among the international business
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and banking classes!
These laughing gentry were impressively effective at whatever they turned their hands to because
they understood principles of social leverage. Kitty Muggeridge writes:
If you want to pinpoint the moment in time when the very first foundation of
the Welfare State was laid, a reasonable date to choose would be the last
fortnight of November in 1905 when Beatrice Webb was appointed to the
Royal Commission on the Poor Law, and she convinced her protege, Albert
Beveridge, to join a committee for dealing with employment.
During Mrs. Webb's tenure on the Royal Commission, she laid down the first blueprint of
cradle-to-grave social security to eradicate poverty "without toppling the whole social structure."
She lived to see Beveridge promulgate her major ideas in the historic Beveridge Report, from
which they were brought to life in post -WWII Britain and the United States.
Fabian practitioners developed Hegelian principles which they co-taught alongside Morgan
bankers and other important financial allies over the first half of the twentieth century. One
insightful Hegelianism was that to push ideas efficiently it was necessary first to co-opt both
political Left and political Right. Adversarial politics — competition — was a loser's game. 12 By
infiltrating all major media, by continual low-intensity propaganda, by massive changes in group
orientations (accomplished through principles developed in the psychological-warfare bureaus of
the military), and with the ability, using government intelligence agents and press contacts, to
induce a succession of crises, they accomplished that astonishing feat.
7 In the British sense, middle classes are a buffer protecting elites from the poor; our own statistical income-based
designation leads to a more eclectic composition, and to somewhat less predictability of attitudes and values.
8 The origins are disputed but it was an offshoot of Thomas Davidson's Utopian group in New York, "The
Fellowship of the New Life" — an American export to Britain, not the other way around. The reader should be warned
I use the term "Fabian" more indiscriminately with less concern for actual affiliation through the rest of the book
than I do here. Fabianism was a Zeitgeist as well as a literal association, and thousands of twentieth-century
influentials have been Fabians who might be uncomfortable around its flesh and blood adherents, or who would be
puzzled by the label.
9 The spelling preferred by baronial descendants of the actual event. See Chapter Twelve.
10 Contrast this with John F. Kennedy's "Ask not what your country cando for you but what you can do foryour
country" Inaugural of 1960 which measured the distance we had retreated since the Civil War. It's useful to
remember, however, that Spencer reserved these feelings only for the Elect.
1 1 In 1900, Sidney Sherwood of Johns Hopkins University joined a host of prominent organizations and men like
Andrew Carnegie in declaring the emergence of the corporate system as the highest stage in evolution. Sherwood
suggested the modern corporation's historic task was to sort out "genius," to get rid of "the weak." This elimination
is "the real function of the trust," and the formation of monopoly control is "natural selection of the highest order."
Try to imagine how this outlook played out in corporate schooling.
12 The most dramatic example of abandoning competition and replacing it with cooperation was the breath-taking
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monopolization of first the nation's, then the world's oil supply by Standard Oil under the personal direction of John
D. Rockefeller Sr. Rockefeller despised the competitive marketplace, as did his fellow titans of finance and industry,
J. P. Morgan and Andrew Carnegie. Rockefeller's negotiating team was instructed to accommodate any company
willing to enter his cartel, to destroy any that resisted.
The Open Conspiracy
When I speak of Fabianism, or of any particular Fabians, actual or virtual like Kurt Lewin, once
head of Britain's Psychological Warfare Bureau, or R.D. Laing, once staff psychologist at the
Tavistock Institute, I have no interest in mounting a polemic against this particular conceit of the
comfortable intelligentsia. Fabian strategy and tactics have been openly announced and discussed
with clarity for nearly a century, whether identified as Fabian or not. Nothing illegal about it. I do
think it a tragedy, however, that government school children are left in the dark about the
existence of influential groups with complex social agendas aimed at their lives.
I've neglected to tell you so far about the role stress plays in Fabian evolutionary theory. Just as
Hegel taught that history moves faster toward its conclusion by way of warfare, so evolutionary
socialists were taught by Hegel to see struggle as the precipitant of evolutionary improvement for
the species, a necessary purifier eliminating the weak from the breeding sweepstakes. Society
evolves slowly toward "social efficiency" all by itself; society under stress, however, evolves much
faster! Thus the deliberate creation of crisis 13 is an important tool of evolutionary socialists. Does
that help you understand the government school drama a little better, or the well-publicized
doomsday scenarios of environmentalists?
The London School of Economics is a Fabian creation. Mick Jagger spent time there; so did John
F. Kennedy. Once elitist, the Economist, now a worldwide pop -intellectual publication, is Fabian,
as is The New Statesman and Ruskin Labor College of Oxford. The legendary Royal Institute of
International Affairs and the Tavistock Institute for Human Relations, premier mind- bending
institutions of the world, are Fabian. Theodor Ado mo, an important if barely visible avatar of the
therapeutic state, and a one-time eminence at Tavistock, traveled the Fabian road as well.
You needn't carry a card or even have heard the name Fabian to follow the
wolf-in-sheep's-clothing flag. Fabianism is mainly a value-system with progressive objectives. Its
social club aspect isn't for coalminers, farmers, or steam-fitters. We've all been exposed to many
details of the Fabian program without realizing it. In the United States, some organizations
heavily influenced by Fabianism are the Ford Foundation, the Russell Sage Foundation, the
Stanford Research Institute, the Carnegie Endowments, the Aspen Institute, the Wharton School,
and RAND. And this short list is illustrative, not complete. Tavistock underwrites or has intimate
relations with thirty research institutions in the United States, all which at one time or another
have taken a player's hand in the shaping of American schooling.
Once again, you need to remember we aren't conspiracy hunting but tracking an idea, like
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microchipping an eel to see what holes it swims into in case we want to catch it later on. H.G.
Wells, best known of all early Fabians, once wrote of the Fabian project:
The political world of the Open Conspiracy must weaken, efface, incorporate
and supersede existing governments.... The character of the Open Conspiracy
will then be plainly displayed. It will be a world religion. This large, loose
assimilatory mass of groups and societies will definitely and obviously attempt
to swallow up the entire population of the world and become a new human
community.. ..The immediate task before all people, a planned World State, is
appearing at a thousand points of light [but]... gene rations of propaganda and
education may have to precede it. (emphasis added)
Zbigniew Brzezinski wrote his famous signature book "Between Two Ages: America's Role in
the Technetronic Era" in 1970, a piece reeking with Fabianisms: dislike of direct popular power,
relentless advocacy of the right and duty of evolutionarily advanced nations to administer less
developed parts of the world, revulsion at populist demands for "selfish self-government"
(homeschooling would be a prime example), and stress on collectivism. Brzezinski said in the
book:
It will soon be possible to assert almost continuous control over every citizen
and to maintain up-to-date files containing even the most personal details about
health and personal behavior of every citizen, in addition to the more
customary data. These files will be subject to instantaneous retrieval by the
authorities. Power will gravitate into the hands of those who control
information.
In his essay, Brzezinski called common people, "an increasingly purposeless mass." And, of
course, if the army of children collected in mass schooling is really "purposeless," what argument
says it should exist at all?
13 The government-created crisis, masquerading as an unexpected external provocation, is elementary Hegelian
strategy. If you want to take Texas and California from Mexico, first shoot a few Americans while the press
disinforms the nation that Mexican depredations against our nationals have to be stopped; if you want Cuba as a
satrapy, blow up an American battleship and pin it on the Cubans. By this strategy, a nation which has decided to
suspend its democratic traditions with a period of martial law (under which permanent social reordering would
occur) might arrange a series of "terrorist" attacks upon itself which would justify the transformation as a defense of
general public safety.
14 In the "world peace" phenomenon so necessary to establish a unitary world order lies a real danger, according
to evolutionists, of species deterioration caused by inadvertent preservation of inferior genes which would otherwise
be killed or starved. Hence the urgency of insulating superior breeding stock from pollution through various
strategies of social segregation. Among these, forced classification through schooling has been by far the most
important.
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An Everlasting Faith
Fabianism was a principal force and inspiration behind all major school legislation of the first half
of the twentieth century. And it will doubtless continue to be in the twenty-first. It will help us
understand Fabian influence to look at the first Fabian-authored consideration of public schooling,
the most talked-about education book of 1900, Thomas Davidson's peculiar and fantastic History
of Education.
The Dictionary of American Biography describes Davidson as a naturalized Scot, American since
1867, and a follower of William Torrey Harris, federal Commissioner of Education — the most
influential Hegelian in North America. Davidson was also first president of the Fabian Society in
England, a fact not thought worthy of preservation in the biographical dictionary, but otherwise
easy enough to confirm. This news is also absent fromPelling's America and The British Left,
although Davidson is credited there with "usurping" the Fabians.
In his important monograph "Education in the Forming of American Society," Bernard Bailyn, as
you'll recall, said anyone bold enough to venture a history of American schooling would have to
explain the sharp disjunction separating these local institutions as they existed from 1620 to 1890
from the massification which followed afterwards. In presenting his case, Bailyn had cause to
compare "two notable books" on the subject which both appeared in 1900. One was Davidson's,
the other Edward Eggleston's.
Eggleston's Transit of Civilization Bailyn calls "a remarkably imaginative effort to analyze the
original investment from which has developed Anglo-Saxon culture in America by probing the
complex states of knowing and thinking, of feeling and passion of the seventeenth century
colonists." The opening words of Eggleston's book, said Bailyn, make clear the central position of
education in early America. Bailyn calls Transit "one of the subtlest and most original books ever
written on the subject" and "a seminal work," but he notes how quickly it was "laid aside by
American intelligentsia as an oddity, irrelevant to the interests of the group then firmly shaping the
historical study of American education."
For that group, the book of books was Davidson's History of Education. William James called its
author a "knight-errant of the intellectual life," an "exuberant polymath." Bailyn agrees that
Davidson's "was a remarkable book":
Davidson starts with "The Rise of Intelligence" when "man first rose above the
brute." Then he trots briskly through "ancient Turanian," Semitic, and Aryan
education, picks up speed on "civic education" in Judaea, Greece, and Rome,
gallops swiftly across Hellenistic, Alexandrian, Patristic, and Muslim
education; leaps magnificently over the thorny barriers of scholasticism, the
mediaeval universities, Renaissance, Reformation, and Counter-Reformation,
and then plunges wildly through the remaining five centuries in sixty-four
pages flat.
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It was less the frantic scope than the purpose of this strange philosophical essay that distinguished
it in the eyes of an influential group of writers. Its purpose was to dignify a newly self-conscious
profession called Education. Its argument, a heady distillation of conclusions from Social
Darwinism, claimed that modern education was a cosmic force leading mankind to full realization
of itself. Davidson's preface puts the intellectual core of Fabianism on center stage:
My endeavor has been to present education as the last and highest form of
evolution.... By placing education in relation to the whole process of evolution,
as its highest form, I have hoped to impart to it a dignity which it could hardly
otherwise receive or claim.. .when it is recognized to be the highest phase of the
world-process. "World process" here is an echo of Kant and Hegel, and for the
teacher to be the chief agent in that process, both it and he assumes a very
different aspect.
Here is the intellectual and emotional antecedent of "creation spirituality," Pierre Teilhard de
Chardin's assertion that evolution has become a spiritual inevitability in our time.
Suddenly mere schooling found itself elevated from its petty, despised position on the periphery of
the known universe into an intimate involvement in the cosmic destiny of man, a master key too
important to be left to parents. By 1906, Paul Monroe of Teachers College could write in his
Text-book in the History of Education that knowledge of the "purpose of education" was to
supply the teacher with "fundamentals of an everlasting faith as broad as human nature and as
deep as the life of the race."
This History of Education, according to Bailyn, "came to be taught as an introductory course, a
form of initiation, in every normal school, department of education, and teachers college in the
country":
The story had to be got straight. And so a few of the more imaginative of that
energetic and able group of men concerned with mapping overall progress of
"scientific" education, though not otherwise historians, took over the
management of the historical work in education. With great virtuosity they
drew up what became the patristic literature of a powerful academic ecclesia.
The official history of education:
grew in almost total isolation from the major influences and shaping minds of
twentieth- century historiography; and its isolation proved to be
self-intensifying: the more parochial the subject became, the less capable it was
of attracting the kinds of scholars who could give it broad relevance and bring
it back into the public domain. It soon displayed the exaggeration of weakness
and extravagance of emphasis that are the typical results of sustained
inbreeding.
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These "educational missionaries" spoke of schools as if they were monasteries. By limiting the
idea of education to formal school instruction, the public gradually lost sight of what the real thing
was. The questions these specialists disputed were as irrelevant to real people as the disputes of
medieval divines; there was about their writing a condescension for public concerns, for them "the
whole range of education had become an instrument of deliberate social purpose." (emphasis
added) After 1910, divergence between what various publics expected would happen, in
government schools and what the rapidly expanding school establishment intended to make
happen opened a deep gulf between home and school, ordinary citizen and policymaker.
Regulating Lives Like Machinery
The real explanation for this sudden gulf between NEA policies in 1 893 and 1911 had nothing to
do with intervening feedback from teachers, principals, or superintendents about what schools
needed; rather, it signaled titanic forces gathering outside the closed universe of schooling with
the intention of altering this nation's economy, politics, social relationships, future direction, and
eventually the terms of its national existence, using schools as instruments in the work.
Schoolmen were never invited to the policy table at which momentous decisions were made.
When Ellwood P. Cubberley began tentatively to raise his voice in protest against radical changes
being forced upon schools (in his history of education), particularly the sudden enforcement of
compulsory attendance laws which brought amazing disruption into the heretofore well-mannered
school world, he quickly pulled back without naming the community leaders — as he called
them — who gave the actual orders. This evidence of impotence documents the pedagogue status
of even the most elevated titans of schooling like Cubberley. You can find this reference and
others like it in Public Education in the United States.
Scientific management was about to merge with systematic schooling in the United States; it
preferred to steal in silently on little cat's feet, but nobody ever questioned the right of
businessmen to impose a business philosophy to tamper with children's lives. On the cantilever
principle of interlocking directorates pioneered by Morgan interests, scientific school management
flowed into other institutional domains of American life, too. According to Taylor, application of
mechanical power to production could be generalized into every arena of national life, even to the
pulpit, certainly to schools. This would bring about a realization that people's lives could be
regulated very much like machinery, without sentiment. Any expenditure of time and energy
demanded rationalization, whether first-grader or coalminer, behavior should be mathematically
accounted for following the new statistical procedures of Galton and Karl Pearson.
The scientific management movement was backed by many international bankers and
industrialists. In 1905, the vice president of the National City Bank of New York, Frank
Vanderlip, made his way to the speaker's podium at the National Education Association's annual
convention to say:
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I am firmly convinced the economic success of Germany can be encompassed
in a single word — schoolmaster. From the economic point of view the school
system of Germany stands unparalleled.
German schools were psychologically managed, ours must be, too. People of substance stood,
they thought, on the verge of an ultimate secret. How to write upon the empty slates of empty
children's minds in the dawning era of scientific management. What they would write there was a
program to make dwarf and fractional human beings, people crippled by implanted urges and
habits beyond their understanding, men and women who cry out to be managed.
The Gary Plan
Frederick Taylor's gospel of efficiency demanded complete and intensive use of industrial plant
facilities. From 1903 onwards, strenuous efforts were made to achieve full utilization of space by
forcing year-round school on society. Callahan suggests it was "the children of America, who
would have been unwilling victims of this scheme, who played a decisive role in beating the
original effort to effect this back."
But east of Chicago, in the synthetic U.S. Steel company town of Gary, Indiana, Superintendent
William A. Wirt, a former student of John Dewey's at the University of Chicago, was busy testing
a radical school innovation called the Gary Plan soon to be sprung on the national scene. Wirt had
supposedly invented a new organizational scheme in which school subjects were
departmentalized; this required movement of students from room to room on a regular basis so
that all building spaces were in constant use. Bells would ring and just as with Pavlov's salivating
dog, children would shift out of their seats and lurch toward yet another class.
In this way children could be exposed to many nonacademic socialization experiences and much
scientifically engineered physical activity, and it would be a bonus value from the same
investment, a curriculum apart from so-called basic subjects which by this time were being looked
upon as an actual menace to long-range social goals. Wirt called his system the "work- study-play"
school, but outside of Gary it was referred to simply as "the Gary Plan." Its noteworthy
economical feature, rigorously scheduling a student body twice as large as before into the same
space and time, earned it the informal name "platoon school."
While the prototype was being established and tested on children of the new industrial proletariat
in Gary, the plan itself was merchandised from newsstand, pulpit, and lecture circuit, lauded in
administrative circles, and soundly praised by first pedagogical couple John and Evelyn Dewey in
their 1915 book, Schools of Tomorrow. The first inkling Gary might be a deliberate stepchild of
the scientific management movement occurred in a February 191 1 article by Wirt for The
American School Board Journal, "Scientific Management of School Plants." But a more thorough
and forceful exposition of its provenance was presented in the Elementary School Teacher by
John Franklin Bobbit 15 in a 1912 piece titled "Elimination of Waste in Education."
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Bobbit said Gary schools were the work of businessmen who understood scientific management.
Teaching was slated to become a specialized scientific calling conducted by pre-approved agents
of the central business office. Classroom teachers would teach the same thing over and over to
groups of traveling children; special subject teachers would deliver their special subjects to classes
rotating through the building on a precision time schedule.
Early in 1914, the Federal Bureau of Education, then located in the Interior Department, strongly
endorsed Wirt's system. This led to one of the most dramatic and least -known events in
twentieth-century school history. In New York City, a spontaneous rebellion occurred on the part
of the students and parents against extension of the Gary Plan to their own city. While the revolt
had only short-lived effects, it highlights the demoralization of private life occasioned by passing
methods of industry off as education.
15 Bobbit was the influential schoolman who reorganized the Los Angeles school curriculum, replacing formal
history with "Social Studies." Of the Bobbitized set of educational objectives, the five most important were 1) Social
intercommunication 2) Maintenance of physical efficiency 3) Efficient citizenship 4) General social contacts and
relationships 5) Leisure occupations. My own favorite is "efficient citizenship," which bears rolling around on the
point of one's bayonet as the bill is presented for payment.
The Jewish Student Riots
Less than three weeks before the mayoral election of 1917, rioting broke out at PS 171, an
elementary school on Madison Avenue near 103rd Street in New York City which had adopted
the Gary Plan. About a thousand demonstrators smashed windows, menaced passersby, shouted
threats, and made school operation impossible. Over the next few days newspapers downplayed
the riot, marginalizing the rioters as "street corner agitators" from Harlem and the Upper East
Side, but they were nothing of the sort, being mainly immigrant parents. Demonstrations and
rioting spread to other Gary Plan schools, including high schools where student volunteers were
available to join parents on the picket line.
At one place, five thousand children marched. For ten days trouble continued, breaking out in first
one place then another. Thousands of mothers milled around schools in Yorkville, a German
immigrant section, and in East Harlem, complaining angrily that their children had been put on
"half-rations" of education. They meant that mental exercise had been removed from the center of
things. Riots flared out into Williamsburg and Brownsville in the borough of Brooklyn; schools
were stoned, police car tires slashed by demonstrators. Schools on the Lower East Side and in the
Bronx reported trouble also.
The most notable aspect of this rioting was its source in what today would be the bottom of the
bell-curve masses. ..and they were complaining that school was too easy! What could have
possessed recently arrived immigrants to defy their betters? Whatever it was, it poisoned the
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promising political career of mayoral incumbent, John Purroy Mitchel, a well-connected,
aristocratic young progressive who had been seriously mentioned as presidential timber. Although
Teddy Roosevelt personally campaigned for him, Mitchel lost by a two-to-one margin when
election day arrived shortly after the riots were over, the disruptions widely credited with bringing
Mitchel down. In all, three hundred students were arrested, almost all Jewish. I identify their
ethnicity because today we don't usually expect Jewish kids to get arrested in bulk.
To understand what was happening requires us to meet an entity calling itself the Public
Education Association. If we pierce its associational veil, we find that it is made up of bankers,
society ladies, corporation lawyers and, in general, people with private fortunes or access to
private fortunes. The PEA announced in 191 1 an "urgent need" to transform public schools into
child welfare agencies, (emphasis added) Shortly afterward, Mitchel, a member of the PEA, was
elected mayor of New York. Superintendent Wirt in Gary was promptly contacted and offered the
New York superintendency. He agreed, and the first Gary schools opened in New York City in
March 1915.
Bear in mind there was no public debate, no warning of this radical step. Just seventy- five days
after the Gary trial began, the financial arm of New York City government declared it a total
success, authorizing conversion of twelve more schools. (The original trial had only been for
two.) This was done in June at the end of the school year when public attention was notoriously
low. Then in September of 1915, after a net one hundred days of trial, Comptroller Prendergast
issued a formal report recommending extension of the Gary Plan into all schools of New York
City! He further recommended lengthening the school day and the school year.
At the very time this astonishing surprise was being prepared for the children of New York City in
191 5, a series of highly laudatory articles sprouted like zits all over the periodical press calling the
Gary Plan the answer to our nation's school prayers. One characteristic piece read, "School must
fill the vacuum of the home, school must be life itself as once the old household was a life itself."
(emphasis added) Like Rommel's Panzer columns, true believers were on the move. At the same
time press agents were skillfully manipulating the press, officers of the Rockefeller Foundation, a
body which supported the Gary Plan wholeheartedly, were appointed without fanfare as members
of the New York City Board of Education, compliments of Mayor Mitchel.
Immediately after Prendergast' s report appeared calling for total Gary-ization of public schooling,
a book written by a prominent young protege of John Dewey directed national attention to the
Gary miracle "where children learn to play and prepare for vocations as well as to study
abstractions." Titled The Gary Schools, its author, Randolph Bourne, was among the most
beloved columnists for The New Republic in the days when that magazine, product of J. P.
Morgan banker Willard Straight's personal patronage, took some of its editorial instruction
directly from the tables of power in America.
In light of what happened in 1917, you might find it interesting to have your librarian scare up a
copy of Bourne's Gary Schools so you can study how a well-orchestrated national propaganda
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campaign can colonize your mind. Even as Bourne's book was being read, determined opposition
was forming.
In 1917, in spite of grassroots protest, the elite Public Education Association urged the opening
of forty-eight more Gary schools (there were by that time thirty-two in operation). Whoever was
running the timetable on this thing had apparently tired of gradualism and was preparing to step
from the shadows and open the engine full throttle. A letter from the PEA director (New York
Times, 27 June, 1917) urged that more Gary schools must be opened. An earlier letter by director
Nudd struck an even more hysterical note: "The situation is acute, no further delay." This
Hegelian manufactured crisis was used to thaw Board of Estimate recalcitrance, which body
voted sufficient funds to extend the Gary scheme through the New York City school system.
School riots followed hard on the heels of that vote. European immigrants, especially Jews from
Germany (where collectivist thinking in the West had been perfected), knew exactly what the
scientific Gary Plan would mean to their children. They weren't buying. In the fallout from these
disturbances, socialite Mitchel was thrown out of office in the next election. The Gary schools
themselves were dissolved by incoming Mayor Hylan who called them "a scheme" of the
Rockefeller Foundation: "a system by which Rockefellers and their allies hope to educate coming
generations in the 'doctrine of contentment,' another name for social serfdom."
The Rockefeller Report
The Gary tale is a model of how managed school machinery can be geared up in secret without
public debate to deliver a product parents don't want. Part One of the Gary story is the lesson we
learned from the impromptu opinion poll of Gary schooling taken by housewives and immigrant
children, a poll whose results translated into riots. Having only their native wit and past
experience to guide them, these immigrant parents concluded that Gary schools were caste
schools. Not what they expected from America. They turned to the only weapon at their
disposal — disruption — and it worked. They shrewdly recognized that boys in elite schools
wouldn't tolerate the dumbing down their own were being asked to accept. They knew this would
close doors of opportunity, not open them.
Some individual comments from parents and principals about Gary are worth preserving: "too
much play and time-wasting," "they spend all day listening to the phonograph and dancing," "they
change class every forty minutes, my daughter has to wear her coat constantly to keep it from
being stolen," "the cult of the easy," "a step backwards in human development," "focusing on the
group instead of the individual." One principal predicted if the plan were kept, retardation would
multiply as a result of minimal contact between teachers and students. And so it has.
Part Two of the Gary story is the official Rockefeller report condemning Gary, circulated at
Rockefeller headquarters in 1916, but not issued until 1918. Why this report was suppressed for
two years we can only guess. You'll recall Mayor Hylan' s charge that the Rockefeller Foundation
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moved heaven and earth to force its Gary Plan on an unwitting and unwilling citizenry, using
money, position, and influence to such an extent that a New York State Senate Resolution of
1916 accused the foundation of moving to gain complete control of the New York City Board of
Education. Keep in mind that Rockefeller people were active in 1915, 1916, and 1917, lobbying
to impose a Gary destiny on the public schools of New York City even after its own house analyst
pointed to the intellectual damage these places caused.
The 1916 analytical report leapfrogged New York City to examine the original schools as they
functioned back in Gary, Indiana. Written by Abraham Flexner, 16 it stated flatly that Gary schools
were a total failure, "offering insubstantial programs and a general atmosphere which habituated
students to inferior performance." Flexner's analysis was a massive repudiation of John Dewey's
shallow Schools of Tomorrow hype for Gary.
Now we come to the mystery. After this bad idea crashed in New York City in 1917, the critical
Rockefeller report held in house since 1916 was issued in 1918 to embarrass critics who had
claimed the whole mess was the idea of the Rockefeller project officers. So we know in retrospect
that the Rockefeller Foundation was aware of serious shortcomings before it used its political
muscle to impose Gary on New York. Had the Flexner report been offered in a timely fashion
before the riots, it would have spelled doom for the Gary Plan. Why it wasn't has never been
explained.
The third and final part of the Gary story comes straight out of Weird Tales. In all existing
accounts of the Gary drama, none mentions the end of Superintendent Wirt's career after his New
York defeat. Only Diane Ravitch (in The Great School Wars) even bothers to track Wirt back
home to Gary, where he resumed the superintendency and became, she tells us, a "very
conservative schoolman" in his later years. Ah, what Ravitch missed!
The full facts are engrossing: seventeen years after Wirt left New York City, a government
publication printed the next significant chapter of the Wirt story. Its title: Hearings, House Select
Committee to Investigate Certain Statements of Dr. William Wirt, 73rd Congress, 2nd Session,
April 10 and 17, 1934. It seems that Dr. Wirt, while in Washington to attend a school
administrators meeting in 1933, had been invited to an elite private dinner party at the home of a
high Roosevelt administration official. The dinner was attended by well-placed members of the
new government, including AA. Berle, a famous "inner circle" brain-truster. There, Wirt heard
that the Depression was being artificially prolonged by credit rigging, until little people and
businessmen were shaken enough to agree to a plan where government must dominate business
and commerce in the future!
All this he testified to before Congress. The transformation was to make government the source
of long-term capital loans. Control of business would follow. Wirt testified he was told Roosevelt
was only a puppet; that his hosts had made propaganda a science, that they could make
newspapers and magazines beg for mercy by taking away much of their advertising; that provided
they were subservient, leaders of business and labor would be silenced by offers of government
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contracts for materials and services; that colleges and schools would be kept in line by promises of
federal aid until such time as they were under safe control; and that farmers would be managed by
letting key operators "get their hands in the public trough."
In the yellow journalism outburst following Wirt's disclosure, Berle admitted everything. But he
said they were just pulling Wirt's leg! Pulling the leg of the one-time nationally acclaimed savior
of public education. Time magazine, The New York Times, and other major media ridiculed Wirt,
effectively silencing him.
Of Wirt's earlier New York foray into the engineering of young people, New York City mayor
Hylan was quoted vividly in The New York Times of March 27, 1922:
The real menace to our republic is this invisible government which like a giant
octopus sprawls its slimy length over city, state and nation.... It has seized in its
tentacles our executive officers, our legislative bodies, our schools, our courts,
our newspapers, and every agency created for the public protection.... To
depart from mere generalizations, let me say that at the head of this octopus
are the Rockefeller Standard Oil interests.
Like many of the rest of you, I was conditioned early in adult life to avoid conspiracy talk and
conspiracy takers by the universal scorn heaped upon the introduction of such arguments into the
discourse. All "responsible" journalistic media, and virtually all of the professoriate allowed public
access through those media, respond reflexively, and negatively, it seems, to any hint of a dark
underside to our national life. With that in mind, what are we to make of Mayor Hylan' s outburst
or for that matter, the statements of three senators quoted later on this page?
Don't expect me to answer that question for you. But do take a deep breath and make the effort
to read Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan, written back in the 17th century but easily located in every
library of any size in the United States, for some enlightenment in your ruminations.
During the crucial years of the school changeover from academic institution to behavioral
modification instrument, the radical nature of the metamorphosis caught the attention of a few
national politicians who spoke out, but could never muster enough strength for effective
opposition. In the Congressional Record of January 26, 1917, for instance, Senator Chamberlain
of Oregon entered these words:
They are moving with military precision all along the line to get control of the
education of the children of the land.
Senator Poindexter of Washington followed, saying:
The cult of Rockefeller, the cult of Carnegie. ..as much to be guarded against in
the educational system of this country as a particular religious sect.
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And in the same issue, Senator Kenyon of Iowa related:
There are certain colleges that have sought endowments, and the agent of the
Rockefeller Foundation or the General Education Board had gone out and
examined the curriculum of these colleges and compelled certain changes....
It seems to me one of the most dangerous things that can go on in a republic is
to have an institution of this power apparently trying to shape and mold the
thought of the young people of this country.
Senator Works of California added:
These people. ..are attempting to get control of the whole educational work of
the country.
If it interests you, take a look. It's all in the Congressional Record of January 26,1917.
16 A man considered the father of twentieth-century American systematic medicine and a long time employee of
the Rockefeller Foundation.
Obstacles On The Road To Centralization
Three major obstacles stood in the way of the great goal of using American schools to realize a
scientifically programmed society. The first was the fact that American schooling was locally
controlled. In 1930, when the massive socializing scheme was swinging into high gear, helped
substantially by an attention-absorbing depression, this nation still had 144,102 local school
boards. 17 At least 1.1 million elected citizens of local stature made decisions for this country's
schools out of their wisdom and experience. Out of 70 million adults between the ages of thirty
and sixty-five, one in every sixty-three was on a school board (thirty years earlier, the figure had
been one in twenty). Contrast either ratio with today's figure of one in five thousand.
The first task of scientifically managed schooling was to transfer management from a citizen
yeomanry to a professional elite under the camouflage of consolidation for economy's sake. By
1932, the number ofschool districts was down to 127,300; by 1937to 119,018; by 1950to
83,719; by 1960 to 40,520; by 1970 to 18,000; by 1990 to 15,361. Citizen oversight was slowly
squeezed out of the school institution, replaced by homogeneous managerial oversight, managers
screened and trained, watched, loyalty-checked by Columbia, Stanford, Chicago, the Cleveland
Conference, and similar organizations with private agendas for public schooling.
The second obstacle to an ideological takeover of schools was the historic influence of teachers as
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role models. Old-fashioned teachers had a disturbing proclivity to stress development of intellect
through difficult reading, heavy writing assignments, and intense discussion. The problem of
proud and independent teachers was harder to solve than the reading problem. As late as 1930
there were still 149,400 one -room/one -teacher schools in America, places not only cheap to
operate but successful at developing tough-minded, independent thinkers. Most of the rest of our
schools were small and administrator-free, too. The idea of principals who did not teach came
very late in the school game in most places. The fantastic notion of a parasitic army of assistant
principals, coordinators, and all the rest of the various familiar specialists of institutional schooling
didn't exist at all until 1905, except in the speculations of teacher college dreamers.
Two solutions were proposed around 1903 to suppress teacher influence and make instruction
teacher-proof. The first was to grow a heretofore unknown administrative hierarchy of
nonteaching principals, assistant principals, subject coordinators and the rest, to drop the
teacher's status rank. And if degrading teacher status proved inadequate, another weapon, the
standardized test, was soon to be available. By displacing the judgmental function from a visible
teacher to a remote bastion of educational scientists somewhere, no mere classroom person could
stray very far from approved texts without falling test scores among his or her students signaling
the presence of such a deviant. 18 Both these initiatives were underway as WWI ended.
The third obstacle to effective centralization of management was the intimate neighborhood
context of most American schools, one where school procedures could never escape organic
oversight by parents and other local interests. Not a good venue from which to orchestrate the
undermining of traditional society. James Bryant Conant, one of the inventors of the poison gas,
Lewisite, and by then chairman of a key Carnegie commission, reported in an ongoing national
news story after the Sputnik moment that it was the small size of our schools causing the problem.
Only large schools, said Conant, could have faculty and facilities large enough to cover the math
and science we (presumably) lacked and Russia (presumably) had. The bigger the better.
In one bold stroke the American factory school of Lancaster days was reborn. Here a
de-intellectualized Prussian- style curriculum could reign undetected. From 1960 to 1990, while
student population was increasing 61 percent, the number of school administrators grew 342
percent. In constant dollars, costs shot up 331 percent, and teachers, who had fallen from 95
percent of all school personnel in 1915 to 70 percent in 1950, now fell still further, down and
down until recently they comprised less than 50 percent of the jobs in the school game. School
had become an employment project, the largest hiring hall in the world, bigger than agriculture,
bigger than armies.
One other significant set of numbers parallels the absolute growth in the power and expense of
government schooling, but inversely. In 1960, when these gigantic child welfare agencies called
schools were just setting out on their enhanced mission, 85 percent of African American children
in New York were from intact, two-parent households. In 1 990 in New York City, with the
school budget drawing $9,300 a kid for its social welfare definition of education, that number
dropped below 30 percent. School and the social work bureaucracies had done their work well,
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fashioning what looked to be a permanent underclass, one stripped of its possibility of escape,
turned against itself. Scientific management had proven its value, although what that was
obviously depended on one's perspective.
17 Down from 355,000 in 1900.
18 None of this apparatus of checks and balances ever worked exactly as intended. A degraded, demoralized
teaching staff (and even many demoralized administrators) lacks interest or even energy to police the system
effectively. Gross abuses are legion, the custom almost everywhere; records are changed, numbers regularly
falsified. A common habit in my day was to fill out phony lunch forms en masse to make schools eligible for Title I
monies. The chief legal officer for the state of California told me in Sacramento a few years ago that his state was
unable to effectively monitor the compulsory attendance laws, a truth I can vouch for from firsthand experience.
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Chapter 10
My Green River
Each person in a village has a face and a name, even a nickname. Anonymity
is impossible, for the villagers are not a mass... a village has its own language,
its customs, its rhythms... its life is interior.... a village cannot be global.
— Robert Vachon
The Character Of A Village
Before I went to first grade I could add, subtract, and multiply in my head. I knew my times tables
not as work but as games Dad played on drives around Pittsburgh. Learning anything was easy
when you felt like it. My father taught me that, not any school.
When I went to first grade I could read fluently I loved to read grown-up books I selected from
the three-level glass-enclosed bookcase behind the front door in Swissvale. It held hundreds. I
knew if I kept reading, things would eventually come. Mother taught me that and she was right. I
remember taking down The Decameron time after time, only to find its deceptively simple
language concealing meanings I couldn't fathom. Each time I put the book back I made a mental
note to try again next month. And sure enough, one month it happened. I was ten.
My father was a cookie salesman. Mother called him that anyway when she was angry, which was
often. He had gone to work as a teenager to help support my widowed grandmother and to help
brother Frank, the smart one, through the University of Pittsburgh. Dad never got to college, but
he was a genius just the same. Mother went for one year, she was a genius, too. They were the
kind of people who expose the malice of bell curves and rankings for what it is. I miss them both
and think of them often with love and gratitude.
Mother I called "Bootie" most of the time because that's what I heard her own mother say.
Bootie read fairy tales to me in the cradle, she recited poems, she filled my ears and eyes with
language even though she had little else in the way of things to give. One day she bought a set of
encyclopedias from a door-to-door salesman that cost more than we could afford. I know because
she and dad fought when he got home. From then on mother read from the encyclopedia every
day. We read all the newspapers, too. In those days they only cost a couple of cents. I liked the
Hearst Sun-Telegraph best because it used violent layouts, and on the upper corner of the Sunday
edition, a little boy called Puck, dressed like a fop, said in a speech balloon, "What fools these
mortals be." I didn't know what that meant, but I said the words out loud often to punctuate adult
conversation and always got a smile when I did.
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As far as I can figure, any success I had as a schoolteacher came from what my mother, my father,
my sister, my family, friends, and town taught, not from a single thing I remember about Cornell
and Columbia, my two colleges, not from any findings of institutes of child study or directives
from departments of education. If I'm correct, then this insight is more significant than it may
appear. The immense edifice of teacher instruction and schooling in general rests on the shaky
hypothesis that expert intervention in childhood produces better people than might otherwise
occur. I've come to doubt that.
A gigantic social investment rides on this hypothesis, one that might otherwise be spent on
reducing stress on family life which interferes with happiness and the growth of intelligence. Had
the small fortune spent on my own schooling been invested instead in my people and my place
directly, I have a hunch I would have turned out better. Whatever the truth of this complex
proposition, as long as you've spent your money and time to hear what I have to say, you have a
right to know something about the fountainhead of my school-teaching practice, my growing up
time on the green river Monongahela.
I feel grateful for the luck to have been born in a tiny city with the character of a village on the
river Monongahela in western Pennsylvania. People cared for each other there. Even the town
wastrels had a history. But we minded our own business in Mon City, too. Both are important.
Everyone seemed to understand that within broad limits there is no one best way to grow up. Rich
or poor doesn't matter much if you know what's important. Poverty can't make you miserable;
only a bad character and a weak spirit can do that.
In Monongahela, people seemed to know that children have a remarkable power to survive
unfavorable environments as long as they have a part in a vital community. In the years I grew up,
in the place I grew up, tales of social workers breaking up families "in the best interests of the
child" weren't common, although on several occasions I heard Uncle Bud threaten to punch out
this man's lights or that one's if the person didn't start treating his wife better. Or his kids. Bud
was always punching someone in the interest of justice.
Over the years any number of students found a way to tell me that what they appreciated most
about my classes was that I didn't waste their time. I think I learned how not to do that through a
bit of good luck — being bom in Monongahela during the Depression when money was tight and
people were forced to continue older traditions of making their own meanings instead of buying
them. And they learned how many very different ways there were to grow strong. What the vast
industry of professional child-rearing has told you about the right way to grow up matters less
than you've been led to believe. Until you know that, you remain caught like a fly in the web of
the great therapeutic community of modern life. That will make you sick quicker than anything.
Singing And Fishing Were Free
I went Christmas caroling long before I knew how to read or even what Christmas was about. I
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was three. The carolers stood on a corner diagonally across from my grandfather's printing office
where their voices filled an informal amphitheater made by the slope of Second Street just before
it met Main, the principal intersection of the town. If I had to guess where I learned to love
rhythmical language it would be on that corner at the foot of Second Street hill.
In Monongahela I fished for carp and catfish made inedible by river acids leaching out of the
mines and waste put there by the mills. I fished them out with homemade dough balls whipped
together in Grandmother Mossie's kitchen. In Monongahela I waited weekly for the changing of
Binks McGregor's haberdashery window or Bill Pulaski's hardware display as eagerly as a
theater-goer might wait to be refreshed by a new scenery change.
Mother's family, the Zimmers, and the branch of Gattos my father represented, were poor by
modern big city standards, but not really poor for that time and place. It was only in late middle
age I suddenly realized that sleeping three to a bed — as Mother, Sister and I did — is almost an
operational definition of poverty, or its close cousin. But it never occurred to me to think of
myself as poor. Not once. Not ever. Even later on at Uniontown High School when we moved to
a town with sharp social class gradations and a formal social calendar, I had little awareness of
any unbridgeable gulf between myself and those people who invited me to country club parties
and to homes grander than my own. Nor, do I believe, did they. A year at Cornell, however, made
certain my innocence would come to an end.
Mother was not so lucky. Although she never spoke openly of it, I know now she was ashamed of
having less than those she grew up with. Once she had had much more before Pappy, my
granddad, was wiped out in the 1 929 crash. She wasn't envious, mind you, she was ashamed, and
this shame constrained her open nature. It made her sad and wistful when she was alone. It caused
her to hide away from former friends and the world. She yearned for dignity, for the days when
her clothes were made in Paris. So in the calculus of human misery, she exercised her frustration
on Dad. Their many separations and his long absences from home on business even when they
lived together are likely to have originated in this immaculate tension.
The great irony is that Mother did beautifully without money. She was resourceful, imaginative,
generally optimistic, a woman with greater power to create something from nothing — totem poles
from thread spools, an award-winning Halloween costume from scrap paper and cloth, a
high-quality adventure from a simple walk through the hills — than anyone. She had no
extravagant appetites, didn't drink, didn't crave exotic food, glamorous places, or the latest
gadgets. She set her own hair and it was always lovely. And she kept the cleanest house
imaginable, full of pretty objects which she gathered watchfully and with superb taste on her
journey through life. As if to compound the irony of her discontent, Mon City was hardly a place
to be rich. There wasn't much to buy there.
The Greatest Fun Was Watching People Work
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I shouldn't say nobody had money in Monongahela, but it's accurate to say nothing was
expensive. Beer was the town passion, more a religion with the men, and a big glass cost only a
nickel, the same price as twelve ounces of buttermilk or a candy bar three times heavier than the
modern sort. Bones to make soup were free. Beyond movies — twelve cents for kids — commercial
entertainment hardly existed. There were a few bowling alleys at a nickel a frame, Redd's Beach
(a pool at least ten miles away where swimming was a dime), and a roller-skating rink I never
went to.
Where society thrived was in hundreds of ethnic social clubs and fraternal organizations up and
down the Valley: the Moose, the Elks, the Oddfellows, Mystic Knights, Sons of Slovenia, the
Polish- American Society, the Russian- American Club. These were places for men to drink and
talk cheaply except on Saturday night when ladies could drink and talk, too, alongside their men
and have a dance. Sometimes with even a live band to give snap to the joint.
No kid in Mon City reached for the "Events and Activities" page of the papers because there
wasn't one, nor were there any special kid places that people of all ages didn't frequent. When the
men weren't playing bocce at the Italian Club, kids were allowed, passing first through a barroom
reeking of unpasteurized stale beer. No special life was arranged for kids. Yet there was always a
full menu. Just spying on the adult world, watching people work, and setting out on expeditions
to explore filled whatever time you wanted to spare. Until I got to Cornell, I can't recall anyone I
ever knew saying "I'm bored." And yet in New York City, when I moved there, hardly a day
passed without someone crying loud and long about ennui. Perhaps this indicates some important
marker we've missed in our modern search to make private worlds for children — the constituents
of meaning have been stripped away from these over specialized places. Why a child would want
to associate exclusively with children in a narrow age or social class range defies understanding,
that adults would impose such a fate on kids strikes me as an act of madness.
The greatest fun was watching work at construction sites, watching freight trains unload or coal
up, studying lumberyards at work, seeing gas pumped, hoods lifted, metal welded, tires
vulcanized, watching Johnny Nami cut hair, watching Vito fill chocolates. Best of all was trailing
Charlie Bigerton, the cop, on his rounds without his catching on. When kids around town pooled
data about Charlie, we could recreate the police patrol schedule accurately enough that violating
wartime curfew was like taking candy from a baby.
Sitting In The Dark
At 2 13 Second Street we lived over the printing office Granddad owned, the Zimmer Printing
Company. "Since 1898," his swinging sign read. It was located only a block and a half from the
green river west of the streetcar tracks on Main. In between river and streetcars was the
Pennsylvania Railroad right of way and tracks which followed the river down to Pittsburgh. Our
second floor bay window hung over the town's main intersection where trolleys from Charleroi
and Donora passed constantly, clanging and hissing, all lit up in the dark night.
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An incredible vision, these things, orange metal animals with people in their stomachs, throwing
iUuminated reflections in color onto the ceiling of our living room by an optical process I often
thought to have explained to me, but never did. Bright sparks flew from their wheels and fell from
the air around the overhead power lines, burning sharp holes in dark places. From our perch, we
could also see long freight trains roaring along the river, sending an orchestra of clanks and
whistle shrieks into the sky. We could watch great paddle-wheel steamers plying the river in both
directions, filling the air with columns of white steam.
From early till late, Grandmother Mossie sat rocking. She sat at the window facing the river,
quietly observing this mechanical show of riverboat, train, and streetcar — four tiers of movement
if you count the stream of auto traffic, five if you include the pedestrians, our neighbors, flowing
north and south on Main far into the night hours. She seldom ventured to the street from our
apartment after her great disgrace of fifteen years earlier, when lack of money forced her to move
abruptly one day from a large home with marble fireplaces. (She never spoke to my grandfather,
not a word, after that, though they ate two meals a day at the same small table.) The telephone
supplied sufficient new data about neighbors, enough so she could chart the transit of the
civilization she had once known face to face.
Sitting with Moss in the darkness was always magic. Keeping track of the mechanisms out there,
each with its own personality, rolling and gliding this way or that on mysterious errands, watching
grandmother smoke Chesterfield after Chesterfield with which she would write glowing words in
the air for me to read, beginning with my name, "Jackie." Seen that way, words became exciting. I
couldn't get enough of them. Imagine the two of us sitting there year after year, never holding a
recognizable conversation yet never tiring of each other's company. Sometimes Moss would ask
me to find numbers in the inspired graphics of an eccentric comic strip, "Toonerville Trolley," so
she could gamble two cents with the barber across the street who ran numbers in the intervals
between clipping his customers' hair.
Although we really didn't hold conversation in any customary fashion, Moss would comment out
loud on a wide range of matters, often making allusions beyond my ken. Was she speaking to
herself? I would react or not. Sometimes I asked a question. After a smoke-filled interval, she
might answer. Sometimes she would teach me nonsense riddles like "A titimus, a tatimus, it took
two 't's to tie two 't's to two small trees, How many 't's are in all that?" Or tongue twisters like
"rubber baby buggy bumpers" or "she sells sea shells by the sea shore," which I was supposed to
say ten times in a row as fast as I could.
Sometimes these were verses that would sound ugly to modem ears, as in "God made a nigger,
He made him in the night; God made a nigger but forgot to make him white." Yet I have good
reason to believe Moss never actually met or spoke with a black person in her entire life or
harbored any ill-will toward one. It was just a word game, its only significance word play. Put that
in your pipe and smoke it.
On the subject of race, we all learned to sing about black people, officially, in third grade:
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"Darktown Strutters Ball," "Old Black Joe," and others. No discussion of race preceded or
followed; they were just songs. Before you conclude my memories are daft and that Mon City
must be a bigoted place, you need to know its tiny population contained the broadest diversity of
ethnic groups living together in harmony. Ninety years earlier it had been a regular stop on the
Underground Railroad. The barn of the Anawalt house was used for that purpose all through the
1850s.
If Vico's notion in The New Science is correct, we encounter the world in ways first implicit in
ourselves. There can be no filling of blank slates in education, no pouring of wisdom into empty
children. If Vico is correct, the Monongahela I bring dripping to you from the bottom of my river
memory is a private city, revealing the interior of my own mind. Whether you believe that the Fall
is real or only a metaphor for the feeling we get when by losing our way home we find ourselves
cut off from the creative source, who I am and why I taught the way I did is long ago and far
away in that town, those people, that green river, not in any course of scientific pedagogy.
I Hung Around A Lot In Monongahela
The great destructive myth of the twentieth century was the aggressive contention that a child
couldn't grow up correctly in the unique circumstances of his own family. In order to avoid
having you finish this essay with the feeling it might have been all right for my family to influence
my growth so intensely, but for many children with worse families that just wouldn't do, fix your
attention a minute on the less savory aspects of my people, as they might be seen through social
service eyes. Both sets of grandparents and my mother and father were seriously alienated from
one another, the men from the women and vice versa.
On the Zimmer side, heavy drinking and German/Irish tempers led to one violent conflict after
another, conflicts to which my sister and I were fully exposed. We grew like weeds as children,
with full run of the town, including its most dangerous places, had no effective curfew, and tended
to excess in everything. Did I forget to mention the constant profanity? By up-to-the-minute big
city standards my family skirted the boundary of court-ordered family dissolution more than once.
Since a substantial number of the families I worked with productively as a schoolteacher had rap
sheets similar to my own by social hygiene standards, I want to offer you my Monongahela years
as a case study of how a less than ideal family by social work standards can still teach courage,
love, duty, self-reliance; can awaken curiosity and wonder; can be a laboratory for independent
thought, well-rooted identity, and communitarian feelings; and can grow in memory as a beloved
companion even when it is composed of ghosts.
The city of Monongahela itself is offered as a case study of a different sort, showing the power of
common places to return loyalty by animating the tiniest details of existence. The town is a main
character in my personal story, a genius loci interacting with my development as a schoolteacher.
I invested an extreme amount of effort in the physical presence of my classrooms, I think, because
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the physical presence of my town never left me even after I was far removed from it. I wanted that
same sort of ally for my kids.
Gary Snyder once said, "Of all memberships we identify ourselves by, the one most forgotten that
has greatest potential for healing is place." The quiet rage I felt at bearing the last name of a then
socially devalued minority, the multiple grievances I felt off and on against my parents for being a
house divided, at my sister for making herself a stranger to me, at my dad for staying away so I
grew up with only a distant acquaintanceship between us, the bewilderment I felt from having to
sit nightly at dinner with grandparents who hadn't spoken to one another for fifteen years and for
whom I was required to act as go-between, the compounding of this bewilderment when I
discovered my Italian grandfather had been buried in an unmarked grave, perhaps for taking a
mistress, the utter divide geographically and culturally between Mother's family and Father's — the
fantastic gulf between the expressive idiom of the Germans who treated rage and violence as if
they were normal, and Dad's people, the quintessence of decorous rationality, the absolute
inability of Mother to face the full demands of her maturity, yet her inspiring courage when her
principles were challenged — all these made for an exciting, troubled, and even dangerous
childhood. Would I have been better off in foster care, do you think? Are others? Are you insane?
What allowed me to make sense of things against the kaleidoscope of these personal dynamics
was that town and its river, two constants I depended upon. They were enough. I survived, even
came to thrive because of my membership in Monongahela, the irreducible, unclassifiable,
asystematic village of my boyhood. So different from the neo-villages of social work.
All the town's denizens played a part: the iridescent river dragonflies, the burbling streetcars, the
prehistoric freight trains, the grandeur of the paddle-wheel boats, the unpackaged cookies and
uncut-in-advance-of-purchase cheese and meat, women in faded cotton housedresses who carried
themselves with bearing and dignity in spite of everything, men who swore constantly and spit
huge green and yellow globs of phlegm on the sidewalks, steelworkers who took every insult as
mortal and mussed a little boy's hair because he was "Zim's nephew."
I hung around a lot in Monongahela looking at things and people, trying them on for size. Much is
learned by being lazy. I learned to fish that way, to defend myself, to take risks by going down in
the abandoned coalmine across the river full of strange machinery and black water — a primitive
world with nobody around to tell me to be careful. I learned to take knocks without running
away, to watch hard men and women reveal themselves through their choices. I cleaned Pappy's
printing office daily, after closing, for a silver St. Gaudens walking- goddess- Liberty fifty-cent
piece, the most beautiful American coin ever made. I sold Sun-Telegraphs and Post-Gazettes on
the corner of Second and Main for a profit of a penny a paper. I had a Kool-Aid stand on Main
and Fourth on hot summer days.
Shouldn't you ask why your boy or girl needs to know anything about Iraq or about computer
language before they can tell you the name of every tree, plant, and bird outside your window?
What will happen to them with their high standardized test scores when they discover they can't
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fry an egg, sew a button, join things, build a house, sail a boat, ride a horse, gut a fish, pound a
nail, or bring forth life and nurture it? Do you believe having those things done for you is the
same? You fool, then. Why do you cooperate in the game of compulsion schooling when it makes
children useless to themselves as adults, hardly able to tie their own shoes?
I learned to enjoy my own company in Monongahela, to feel at ease with anyone, to put my trust
in personal qualities rather than statistical gradations. Anything else? Well, I learned to love there.
Just across the river bridge and over the river hill was open farm country, and anyone could walk
there in thirty minutes. Everyone was welcome, kids included. The farmers never complained.
Mother would walk Joanie and me there in the early morning as mist was rising from the river.
When she was seventy- two, I wrote to her trying to explain what I'm trying to explain now, how
her town had given me underpinnings to erect a life upon:
Dear Mom,
I think what finally straightened me out was memory of those early morning
walks you used to take with me up River Hill, with mist rising from the green
river and trees, the open pits of abandoned coalmines producing their own kind
of strange beauty in the soft silence of the new day. Coming out of the grit and
rust of Monongahela, crossing the clean architecture of the old bridge with its
dizzy view to the river below through the wide-set slats underfoot, that was a
worthy introduction to the hills on the far shore. Going up those hills with you
we startled many a rabbit to flight. I know you remember that, too. I was
amazed that wild things lived so close to town. Then at the top we could see
Monongahela in the valley the way birds must but when we turned away,
everything was barns and cornland. You gave me our town. It was the best
gift.
My best teachers in Monongahela were Frank Pizzica, the high-rolling car dealer; old Mr. Marcus,
the druggist wiser than a doctor; Binks McGregor, psychological haberdasher; and Bill Pulaski,
the fun-loving mayor. All would understand my belief that we need to be hiring different kinds of
people to teach us, people who've proven themselves in life by bearing its pain like free spirits.
Nobody should be allowed to teach until they get to be forty years old. No one should be allowed
anywhere near kids without having known grief, challenge, success, failure, and sadness.
We ought to be asking men and women who've raised families to teach, older men and women
who know the way things are and why. Millions of retired people would make fine teachers.
College degrees aren't a good way to hire anybody to do anything. Getting to teach should be a
reward for proving over a long stretch of time that you understand and have command of your
mind and heart.
And you should have to live near the school where you teach. I had some eccentric teachers in
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Monongahela, but there was not a single one didn't live close to me as a neighbor. All existed as
characters with a history profiled in a hundred informal mental libraries, like the library of her
neighbors my grandmother kept.
Shooting Birds
On the way up Third Street hill to Waverly school each morning to discover what song Miss
Wible was going to have kids memorize that day, I would pass a shack made of age-blackened
hemlock, the kind you see on old barns long gone in disrepair. This shack perched at the edge of
an otherwise empty double lot grown wild in burdock, wild hollyhock, and briar. I knew the old
woman who lived there as Moll Miner because boys tormented her by shouting that name as they
passed in the daily processional headed for school. I never actually saw her until one Saturday
morning when, for want of anything better to do, I went to shoot birds.
I had a Red Ryder BB rifle, Moll Miner's lot had birds, and so lying on my belly as if birds were
wild Indians, I shot one. As it flopped around dying, the old woman ran shrieking from her shack
to the fallen bird, raised it to bosom and then fled shouting, "I know who you are. You're the
printer's boy. Why did you kill it? What harm did it do to you?" Then overcome with sobs she
disappeared into her shack.
Her wild white hair and old cotton housedress, light grey with faded pink roses, lingered in my
vision after I went home. Who could answer such a question at eight or at twenty-eight? But
being asked made me ask it of myself. I killed because I wanted to. I killed for fun. Who cared
about birds? There were plenty of birds. But then, what did it mean, this crazy old lady taking the
downed bird into her home? She said she knew me; how was that possible? It was all very
puzzling. I found myself hoping the BB hadn't really killed the bird but only shocked it. I felt
stupid and tried to put the incident out of my mind. A week or so later I got rid of my BB gun,
trading it for an entrenching tool and some marbles. I told myself I was tired of it; it wasn't a real
gun anyway. Around Halloween some kids were planning a prank on the old lady. I protested,
saying we should pick on someone who could fight back and chase us. "We shouldn't pick on
weak people," I said. "Anyway, that lady's not crazy, she's very kind."
That winter, without asking, I shoveled the snow around her house. It was a business I usually did
for pocket money, and I was good at it, but I didn't even ask permission. I just shoveled the
sidewalk without asking for money. She watched me from her window without saying a word.
Whether she recognized I was the boy who shot the bird, I wish I could tell you, but that's all
there is. Not a sparrow falls, they say. That was the way I learned to care about moral values in
Monongahela — by rubbing shoulders with men and women who cared about things other than
what money bought, although they cared about money, too. I watched them. They talked to me.
Have you noticed nobody talks to children in schools? I mean, nobody. All verbal exchanges in
school are instrumental. Person-to-person stuff is contrary to policy. That's why popular teachers
are disliked and fired. They talk to kids. It's unacceptable.
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On Punishment
There was a time when hamburger pretty much described Alpha and Omega in my limited food
sensibility. My grandparents didn't much care, and in the realm of monitored eating, Bootie was a
pushover, but not the new girl on Second Street, Bud's wife, brought home from Cincinnati after
WWII. Well, I remember the evening Helen prepared Chinese food, hardly a daring thing
anywhere now, but in those long gone days around Pittsburgh, radical cuisine. I shut my
nine -year-old mouth and flatly refused to eat it.
"You will eat it," said Helen, "if you have to sit there all night." She was right. At midnight I did
eat it. By then it tasted awful. But soon after the indignity, I discovered that miraculously I had
developed a universal palate. I could eat and enjoy anything.
When I was ten and eleven years old, I still made occasional assaults on my sister's sexual dignity.
She was older, bigger, and stronger than me so there was little chance my vague tropisms could
have caused any harm, but even that slight chance ended one afternoon, when on hearing one of
these overtures, Pappy grabbed me abruptly behind the neck and back of a shoulder and
proceeded to kick me like a football, painful step by painful step, up the staircase to our
apartment.
On theft: having discovered where the printing office stock of petty cash was kept, I acquired a
dollar without asking. How Pap knew it was me I never found out, but when he burst through the
apartment calling my name in an angry bellow, I knew I had been nailed and fled to the bathroom,
the only door inside the apartment with a lock. Ignoring his demands to come out, with the
greatest relief I heard his footsteps grow faint and the front door slam. But no sooner had I
relaxed than he was back, this time with a house- wrecking bar. He pried the bathroom door off,
hinge by hinge. I still remember the ripping sound it made. But nothing else.
Almost every classroom in my junior high school and my high school had a wooden paddle hung
prominently over the classroom door, nor were these merely decorative. I was personally struck
about a dozen times in my school career; it always hurt. But it's also fair to say that unlike the
assaults on my spirit I endured from time to time for bearing an Italian name at Cornell, none of
these physical assaults caused any resentment to linger — in each instance, I deserved some sort of
retribution for one malicious barbarism or another. I forgot the blows soon after they were
administered. On the other hand, I harbor a significant amount of ill feeling for those teachers who
humiliated me verbally; those I have no difficulty recalling.
It might seem from examples I've given that I believe some simple relation between pain and
self-improvement exists. But it isn't simple — with the single exception of a teenage boy whose
pleasure came from terrifying girls, I never struck a single kid in three decades in the classroom.
What I'm really trying to call your attention to is that simplistic codebook of rules passed down to
us from academic psychology and enshrined as sacred text. Punishment played an important and
positive role in shaping me. It has in the shaping of everyone I've known as a friend. Punishment
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has also ruined its share of victims, I know. The difference may reside in whether it arises from
legitimate human grievances or from the bloodless discipline of a bureaucracy. It's a question
nobody should regard as closed.
Separations
For the first three years of my life I lived in Monongahela. Then we moved to a tiny brick house in
Swissvale, an urban village despite its bucolic name, a gritty part of industrial Pittsburgh. We lived
near Union Switch and Signal Corporation, a favorite goal of exploratory probes among the street
urchins on Calumet to which I quickly pledged my loyalty.
On rainy days I would stand on the porch watching raindrops. It was a next best to my lost river, I
suppose. Sometimes on the porch of the next house, two enchanting little girls, Marilyn and
Beverly, played. Because our porch was somewhat higher than theirs I could watch them
unobserved (at least they pretended not to see me). Thus it was that I fell in love.
Marilyn was a year older than me, already in first grade. Even in 1 939 that placed her impossibly
beyond me in every regard. Still, as my next door neighbor, she spoke to me from time to time in
that friendly but distant fashion grand ladies adopt with gardeners and chauffeurs. You would
have to see how humble both our homes were to realize the peculiarity of my analogy.
Beverly, her sister, was a year younger. By the invisible code of the young in well-schooled areas
she might well not have existed. Her presence on the social periphery merited the same attention
you might give a barking puppy, but at the age of four I found myself helplessly in love with her
older sister in the pure fashion the spiritual side of nature reserves as a sign, I think, that
materiality isn't the whole or even the most important part.
The next year, when I matriculated at McKelvy elementary, first graders and second were kept
rigidly separated from each other even on the playground. The first heartbreak of my life, and the
most profound, was the blinding epiphany I experienced as I hung on the heavy wire fence
separating the first grade compound from the combined second -/third- grade play area. From the
metal mesh that I peered through astigmatic ally, I could see Marilyn laughing and playing with
strange older boys, oblivious to my yearning. Each sound she made tore at my insides. The sobs I
choked back were as deep at age five as ever again I felt in grief, their traces etched in my mind
six decades later.
So this was what being a year younger had to mean? My sister was two years older and she hardly
ever spoke to me. Why should Marilyn? I slunk around to avoid being near her ever again after
that horrible sight seared my little soul. I mention this epiphany of age-grading because of the
striking contradiction to it Monongahela posed in presenting a universe where all ages
co-mingled, cross-fertilizing each other in a dynamic fashion that I suddenly recognized one day
was very like the colonial world described by Benjamin Franklin in his Autobiography.
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Swissvale taught me also that Mother and Father were at war with each other — a sorry lesson to
learn at five. That the battles were over differences of culture which have no rational solution, I
couldn't know. Each couple who tries to merge strong traditions, as my parents did, must accept
the challenge as vast, one not to be undertaken lightly or quit on easily. The voices of timeless
generations are permanently merged in offspring. Marriage is a legal fiction, but marriage in one's
children is not. There is no way to divorce inside the kid's cells. When parents war on each other,
they set the child to warring against himself, a contest which can never be won. It places an
implacable enemy deep inside which can't be killed or exorcised, and from whose revenge there is
no escape.
I thank God my parents chose the middle road, the endless dialectic. Dad, the liberal thinker (even
though his party affiliation was Republican and his attitude conservative) always willing to
concede the opposition some points; Mom, the arch conservative even though her voice was
always liberal Democrat, full of prickly principles she was prepared to fight for, like Beau Geste,
to the bitter end.
For all the hardly bearable stresses this endless combat generated, their choice to fight it out for
fifty years saved me from even harsher grief. I love them both for struggling so hard without
quitting. I know it was better for sister and me that way; it gave us a chance to understand both
sides of our own nature, to make some accurate guesses about the gifts we possessed. It prepared
us to be comfortable with ourselves. I think they were better for the fifty-year war, too. Better
than each would have been alone.
[Interlude while the lump in my throat subsides]
I remember FDR on the radio in our postage -stamp living room announcing Pearl Harbor, eight
days before my sixth birthday. I remember the uneasy feeling I harbored for a long time over war
reports from the Far East that played out of the old Philco. I thought the Japanese would cut off
my hands because the war news said that's what Japs did to prisoners.
The high point of the Swissvale years for me wasn't the war or the phenomenal array of wax lips,
sugar dot licorice, Fleers Dubble Bubble, and other penny candies which seemed to vanish all at
once just a short time after the war ended, like dinosaurs. It wasn't leaping from a high wall with
a Green Hornet cape streaming behind as I fell like a stone, scarring my knees for eternity. It
wasn't even Marilyn herself. The hinge in all my years, separating what went before from all that
followed, was the night sister and I awakened to the shrieking contralto of Mother's voice and the
quieter second tenor of Father's, intermingling in the downstairs entrance hall.
I remember crawling to the upstairs landing bathed in shadows to find Sister already there. The
next five minutes were the closest we ever came to each other emotionally, the most important
experience we ever shared. Bootie was threatening to leave Andy if something important wasn't
done. She was so upset that efforts to calm her down (so the neighbors wouldn't hear) only
fanned the flames. With the hindsight of better than a half century, I'm able to conclude now that
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they were arguing over an abortion for what would have been her third child, my never-to-be
brother or sister.
Mother was tired of being poor and didn't want to be any poorer. She was tired of constant work
when she had grown up with servants. She was overwhelmed by the unfairness of being confined
with children, day in, day out, when her husband drove off to the outside world in a suit and tie,
often to be gone for days at a time, living in hotels, seeing exciting things. She would have implied
(because I was to hear the insinuation many times in their marriage) that he was living the fife of
Riley while she slaved.
Bootie wanted an abortion, and the angry words that went back and forth discussing what was
then a crime wafted up the stairwell to where two little children sat huddled in uncomprehending
disbelief. It was the end of our childhood. I was seven, Joan was nine. Finally Mother shouted,
"I'm leaving!" and ran out the front door, slamming it so hard it made my ears hurt and the glass
ring. "If that's the way you want it, I'm locking the door," my father said with a trace of humor in
his voice, trying to defuse mother's anger, I think.
A few seconds of silence, and then we heard a pounding and pounding upon the locked door.
"Open the door! Open the door! Open the door or I'll break it down!" An instant later her fist and
entire arm smashed through the glass panes in the front door. I saw bright arterial blood flying
everywhere and bathing that disembodied hand and arm. I would rather be dead than see such a
sight again. But as I write, I see Mother's bleeding arm in front of my eyes.
Do such things happen to nice people? Of course, and much more often than we acknowledge in
our sanitized, wildly unrealistic human relations courses. It was the end of the world. Without
waiting to see the next development, I ran back to bed and pulled the pillow tightly over my ears.
If I had known what was coming next, I would have hid in the cellar and prayed.
A week later, Swissvale was gone for good. Just like that, without any warning, like the blinking
light of fireflies in our long, narrow, weed-overgrown backyard, it stopped abruptly on a secret
firefly signal, on a secret tragic signal — Marilyn and Tinker, penny candy, McKelvy school and
contact with my Italian relatives stopped for the next six years. With those familiar things gone,
my parents went too . I never allowed myself to have parents again. Without any good-byes they
shipped us off to Catholic boarding school in the mountains near Latrobe, placed us in the hands
of Ursuline nuns who accepted the old road to wisdom and maturity, a road reached through pain
long and strong.
There was no explanation for this catastrophe, none at least that I could understand. In my fiftieth
year Mother told me offhandedly in an unguarded moment about the abortion. She wasn't
apologetic, only in a rare mood of candor, glad to be unburdened of this weight on her spirit at
last. "I couldn't take another child," she said. We stopped for a hamburger and the subject
changed, but I knew a part of the mystery of my own spirit had been unlocked.
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Boarding school was a harsh and stark contrast with my former life. I had never made a bed in my
life. Now I was forced to make one every morning, and the made bed was inspected! Used to the
privacy of my own room, now I slept in a dormitory with fifteen other boys, some of whom would
cry far into the night, every night. Sometimes I cried with them Shortly after arrival, I was
assigned a part in an assembly about roasting in Hell, complete with stage sets where we dressed
up like flames. As the sinner unrepentant was tormented by devils, I jumped up and down to make
it hot for the reprobate. I can hear my own reedy falsetto squeezing out these parentless verses:
Know ye not the burning anguish,
Of thee-eese souls, they-er heart's dee-zire?
I don't want to beat up on the sisters as if I were Fellini in Juliet of the Spirits. This was all kosher
according to their lights, and it made a certain amount of sense to me, too. By that point in time,
although nominally Roman Catholic, I probably hadn't been to church more than ten times,
counting Baptism and First Communion. Just walking around, though, is enough to make a kid
conscious of good and evil, conscious, too, of the arbitrary nature of human justice. Even a little
boy sees rottenness rewarded and good people smacked down. Unctuous rationalizations of this
by otherwise sensible adults disgust little children. The sisters had a story that gave satisfying
human sense to these matters. For all the things I hated about Xavier, I actually liked being a
flame and many other aspects of the religious narrative. They felt right somehow in a way the
dead universe of Newton, Darwin, or Marx never did.
I carried the status of exile around morning, noon, and night, the question never out of
mind — what had I done to be sent here? Only a small part of me actually showed up in class or
playground or dining hall each day, the rest of my being taking up residence in the lost Oz of
Monongahela, even though Swissvale should have logically been the more proximate yearning,
since that was where we lived when I was sent away. I missed the green river, I think.
Joan was there, too, but we were in separate dormitories. In the year we spent at Xavier I can't
remember holding a single conversation with my sister. Like soldiers broken apart in dangerous
terrain, we struggled alone looking for some private way out of homelessness. It couldn't have
helped that Sister was two years older than I. By that time she had been carefully indoctrinated, I
think, as I had been, that every age hangs separately. Sticks to its own class. You see how the
trick is done?
At Xavier Academy, scarcely a week passed without a beating. I was publicly whipped for
wetting the bed, whipped for mispronouncing French verbs, whipped for hiding beets inside my
apple pie (I hated beets, but the house rule was that vegetables had to be eaten, dessert did not).
Some telltale beet corner where a brown apple should have been must have given me away to a
sharp-eyed stoolie — the kapo who bussed away dessert. I was nabbed at exactly the moment
dining hall loudspeakers blared the wartime hit, "Coming in on a wing and a prayer. With one
motor gone we can still carry on, coming in on a wing and a prayer." Most dramatic of all the
beatings I endured, however, was the one following my apprehension by the Latrobe police.
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The spirit that came over Mother when she shattered the glass must have revived in me to set the
stage for that whipping. One night after bed check, I set out to get home to my river. I felt sure
my grandparents wouldn't turn me away. I planned the break for weeks, and took no one into my
confidence. I had a dozen bags of salted peanuts from the commissary, a thin wool blanket and a
pillow, and the leather football Uncle Bud gave me when he went away to war.
Most of the first night I walked, hiding in the tall grass away from the road all the next day, eating
peanuts. I had gotten away full of determination. I would make it home, I knew, if I could only
figure out what direction Monongahela was in! But by midafternoon the following day, I made a
fatal mistake. Tired of walking and hiding, I decided to hitch a ride as I had once seen Clark Gable
do in a famous movie with Claudette Colbert. I was picked up by two matronly ladies whom I
regaled deceitfully with a story of my falling out of the back of Granddad's pickup truck where
dog Nappy and I had been riding on the way back to Mon City. "He didn't notice I was gone and
he probably thinks I jumped out when we got home and went to play."
I had not calculated the fatal football that would give me away. As a precaution against theft (so
they said) the Ursulines stamped "St. Xavier" many times on every possession. My football hadn't
escaped the accusatory stencil. As we chatted like old comrades about how wonderful it was to be
going to Monongahela, a town out of legend we all agreed, the nice ladies took me directly to the
Latrobe police, who took me directly — heedless of my hot tears and promises to even let them
have my football — back to the ladies in black.
The whole school assembled to witness my disgrace. Boys and girls arranged in a long gauntlet
through which I was forced on hands and knees to crawl the length of the administration building
to where Mother Superior stood exhorting the throng to avoid my sorry example. When I arrived
in front of her, she slapped my face. I suppose my sister must have been there watching, too.
Sister and I never discussed Xavier, not once, then or afterwards.
The intellectual program at Xavier, influenced heavily by a Jesuit college nearby, constituted a
massive refutation of the watery brain diet of government schooling. I learned so much in a single
year I was nearly in high school before I had to think very hard about any particular idea or
procedure presented in public school. I learned how to separate pertinent stuff from dross; I
learned what the difference between primary and secondary data was, and the significance of each;
I learned how to evaluate separate witnesses to an event; I learned how to reach conclusions a
half-dozen ways and the potential for distortion inherent in the dynamics of each method of
reasoning. I don't mean to imply at all that I became a professional thinker. I remained very much
a seven- and eight-year-old boy. But I moved far enough in that year to become comfortable with
matters of mind and intellect.
Unlike the harsh treatment of our bodies at Xavier, even the worst boy there was assumed to have
dignity, free will, and a power to choose right over wrong. Materialistic schooling, which is all
public schooling even at its best can ever hope to be, operates as if personality changes are
ultimately caused externally, by applications of theory and by a skillful balancing of rewards and
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punishments. The idea that individuals have free will which supersedes any social programming is
anathema to the very concept of forced schooling. 1 Was the Xavier year valuable or damaging? If
the Ursulines and Jesuits hadn't forced me to see the gulf between intelligence and intellect,
between thinking and disciplined thinking, who would have taken that responsibility?
The greatest intellectual event of my life occurred early in third grade before I was yanked out of
Xavier and deposited back in Monongahela. From time to time a Jesuit brother from St. Vincent's
College would cross the road to give a class at Xavier. The coming of a Jesuit to Xavier was
always considered a big-time event even though there was constant tension between the Ursuline
ladies and the Jesuit men. One lesson I received at the visiting brother's hands 2 altered my
consciousness forever. By contemporary standards, the class might seem impossibly advanced in
concept for third grade, but if you keep in mind the global war that claimed major attention at that
moment, then the fact that Brother Michael came to discuss causes of WWI as a prelude to its
continuation in WWII is not so far-fetched. 3 After a brief lecture on each combatant and its
cultural and historical characteristics, an outline of incitements to conflict was chalked on the
board.
"Who will volunteer to face the back of the room and tell us the causes of World War One?"
"I will, Brother Michael," I said. And I did.
"Why did you say what you did?"
"Because that's what you wrote."
"Do you accept my explanation as correct?"
"Yes, sir." I expected a compliment would soon follow, as it did with our regular teacher.
"Then you must be a fool, Mr. Gatto. I lied to you. Those are not the causes at all." It was like
being flattened by a steamroller. I had the sensation of being struck and losing the power of
speech. Nothing remotely similar had ever happened to me.
"Listen carefully, Mr. Gatto, and I shall show you the true causes of the war which men of bad
character try to hide," and so saying he rapidly erased the board and in swift fashion another list of
reasons appeared. As each was written, a short, clear explanation followed in a scholarly tone of
voice.
"Now do you see, Mr. Gatto, why you must be careful when you accept the explanation of
another? Don't these new reasons make much more sense?"
"Yes, sir."
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"And could you now face the back of the room and repeat what you just learned?"
"I could, sir." And I knew I could because I had a strong memory, but he never gave me that
chance.
"Why are you so gullible? Why do you believe my lies? Is it because I wear clothing you associate
with men of God? I despair you are so easy to fool. What will happen to you if you let others do
your thinking for you?"
You see, like a great magician he had shifted that commonplace school lesson we would have
forgotten by the next morning into a formidable challenge to the entire contents of our private
minds, raising the important question, Who can we believe? At the age of eight, while public
school children were reading stories about talking animals, we had been escorted to the
eggshell-thin foundation upon which authoritarian vanity rests and asked to inspect it.
There are many reasons to he to children, the Jesuit said, and these seem to be good reasons to
older men. Some truth you will know by divine intuition, he told us, but for the rest you must
learn what tests to apply. Even then be cautious. It is not hard to fool human intelligence.
Later I told the nun in charge of my dorm what had happened because my head was swimming
and I needed a second opinion from someone older. "Jesuits!" she snapped, shaking her head, but
would say no more.
Now that Xavier is reduced to a historical marker on Route 30 near Latrobe, I go back to it in
imagination trying to determine how much of the panic I felt there was caused by the school itself,
how much by the chemical fallout from my parents' troubled marriage, how much from the
aftershock of exile. In wrestling with this, one thing comes clear: those nuns were the only people
who ever tried to make me think seriously about questions of religion. Had it not been for Xavier,
I might have passed my years as a kind of freethinker by default, vaguely aware that an
overwhelming percentage of the entire human race did and said things about a God I couldn't
fathom. How can I reconcile that the worst year of my life left behind a dimension I should
certainly have been poorer to have missed?
One day it was over. The night before it happened, Mother Superior told me to pack; that I would
be leaving the next morning. Strong, silent, unsentimental Pappy showed up the next day, threw
my bag into the car, and drove me back to Monongahela. It was over, just like that.
Back home I went as if I'd never left, though now it was to a home without a father. Mother was
waiting, friendly and smiling as I had last seen her. We were installed, the three of us, in a double
bed in a back room over the printing office. Our room was reached through the kitchen and had
another door opening onto an angled tarpaper roof from which on clear nights the stars could be
seen, the green river scented. It was the happiest day of my life.
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Where father was, nobody ever told me, and I never asked. This indifference wasn't entirely
generated by anger, but from a distinct sense that time was rapidly passing while I was still
ignorant of important lessons I had to learn.
1 In her best seller of the 1 990s, It Takes a Village, Hillary Clinton expressed puzzlement over the fact thatWestern
conservative thought emphasizes innate qualities of individual children in contrast to Oriental concepts which stress
the efficacy of correct procedure. There are a number of paths which led to this vital difference between West and
East, but Western spiritual tradition, which insists that salvation is a individual matter and that individual
responsibility must be accepted is the most important influence by far. See Chapter 14, "Absolute Absolution."
2 Traditions of intellectual refinement have long been associated with Jesuit orders. Jesuits were school-masters to
the elites of Europe well before "school" was a common notion. Not long ago it was discovered that the rules of
conduct George Washington carried with him were actually an English translation of a Jesuit manual, Decency
Among the Conversations of Men, compiled by French Jesuits in 1595.
3 It's almost impossible these days to chart the enormous gulf between schooling of the past and that of the
present, in intellectual terms, but a good way to get a quick measure of what might be missing is to read two
autobiographies: the first that of John Stuart Mill, covering a nineteenth-century home education of a philosopher,
the second by Norbert Wiener, father of, cybernetics, dealing with the home education of a scientist. When you read
what an eight-year-old's mind is capable of you will find my account pretty weak tea.
Principles
Five days a week the town turned its children out in the morning to march up the hill to Waverly
or down to the end of town to high school. There was no school bus. Waverly was frozen midway
between the one-room schoolhouse tradition of transferring responsibility to children — we fought
to fill the inkwells, clean the pen nibs, sweep the floor, serve in the lunchroom, clean the erasers,
help our slower classmates in arithmetic and reading — and the specialized procedures and
curriculum of the slowly dawning corporate age of schooling. While this latter style had been sold
as more "socially efficient" ever since 1905, the realities of town life were such that nothing
passed muster at Waverly which didn't first pass muster with parents and the elders of the town.
School was something you took like medicine. You did it because your mother had done it and
your grandmother. It was supposed to be good for you. Nobody believed it was decisively so.
Looking back, I might agree this daily exercise with neighbors suddenly transformed into
grammarians, historians, and mathematicians might well have been, as Mother said, "good for
me." One thing is certain, these part-time specialists cared a great deal about Mother's opinion of
what they were doing, just as she cared about theirs in regard to her parenting.
The schoolteachers I remember are few but bear noting: Peg Hill who spoke to me exactly the
way she did to the principal and won my heart for treating me as a peer; Miss Wible who taught
me to sing and memorize song lyrics so ferociously, that my vocabulary and dramatic repertoire
increased geometrically (even if we did whisper to each other that she was reading "love books"
at her desk as we copied the day's words); old Miss McCullough, who played "American Patrol"
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every single day for an entire school year on a hand-cranked phonograph: "You must be vigilant,
you must be diligent, American Patrol!" Her expressionless face and brutally stark manner stifled
any inclination to satire. If we have to have schoolteachers, let some of them be this kind of
teacher.
At Waverly I learned about principle when Miss Hill read from Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire. She read of the courageous death of Blandina the slave, a teenage convert to
Christianity who was offered her life to repudiate her faith and a cruel death if she refused. She
refused. I learned that all the management savvy of the most powerful empire in history couldn't
overwhelm the principles of a teenage slave.
Principles were a daily part of every study at Waverly. In latter days, schools replaced principles
with an advanced form of pragmatism called "situational ethics," where principles were shown to
be variable according to the demands of the moment. During the 1970s, forcing this study on
children became an important part of the school religion. People with flexible principles reserve
the right to betray their covenants. It's that simple. The misery of modern life can be graphed in
the rising incidence of people who exercise the right to betray each other, whether business
associates, friends, or even family. Pragmatists like to keep their options open. When you live by
principles, whatever semantic ambiguity they involve you in, there are clear boundaries to what
you will allow, even when nobody is watching.
Frances "Bootie" Zimmer
Frances "Bootie" Zimmer was born on Halloween in 191 1 at Monongahela General Hospital,
three years before the country had an income tax or a Federal Reserve Bank, in the first flush
moments of scientific pedagogy practically realized. She was five years younger than dad, two
inches taller, born in a country on the gold standard where common citizens carried precious
metal in their pockets as money.
She was three when WWI began, six when the Gary Plan riots struck New York City schools. In
the postwar years, her father, son of a German immigrant from the Palatinate, became prosperous
by working around the clock as a print shop proprietor and sometimes investor in movies,
carnivals, newspapers, and real estate. His grandchildren, Moss and Taylor, my brilliant cousins,
are still in the printing business in Bethel Park, near Pittsburgh, one hundred years later.
Bootie graduated from Monongahela High, where she was a cheerleader, in 1929, a few months
before the market crash. Besides losing money, some other great catastrophe must have happened
to the Zimmers then, but I've only been able to unearth a few shards of its nature. Whatever its
full dimension, it included the sudden eviction of Grandmother Moss from her home, the
incarceration of great-grandfather Frederick in an old-age institution far away, the flight of
great -grandmother Isabelle to Detroit at the age of seventy-nine, at a time when Detroit and the
moon were equally distant, and the severing of ties between Granddad and his brothers to the
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extent that though they lived cheek to jowl with us in the tiny city, I was neither aware of their
existence nor did they once say hello. Ach!
In the great breakup, Bud ran to Chicago without a penny and without graduating from high
school; Mother, too, ran off in dramatic fashion, telling her best friend as she boarded a train for
Pittsburgh that she would wave a handkerchief at the window if she intended to return. She didn't
wave. And though she did return, she hid ever after, never speaking to any of her childhood
friends again. I discovered all this when I advertised in the local paper after Bootie's death, asking
to speak to anyone who had known her as a girl.
Mother was bone -thin with large blue eyes and hair gone white at thirty, just as my own did. She
lived on a razor's edge between a need to avoid shame and an almost equally desperate need to
find a way to express her considerable talents, a goal conventional assessment would say eluded
her forever. Yet everything she turned her hand to was marked by electrifying energy. Our
Christmas trees were an art form. Our home was cleaner and neater than a hospital operating
room. Beauty and good taste flowed from her fingertips. But the shame, which she would rather
have died than acknowledge, always defeated her in the end and made her melancholy when she
thought no one was looking.
I think Mother tried to force her fierce spirit into Dad and live through him. When that failed, she
pinned her hopes on me. This, I think, caused the original breach in the marriage. Compared to
the driven Germans she knew best, Dad must have presented a lifelong frustration. And though
we never went hungry or lacked a roof, the absence of extra money represented decisive evidence
to her of damnation, permanent exile from the fairyland of her youth.
And yet the exquisite irony bedevils me like a fury — never have I met anyone able to make such
magic out of nothing. When, to her great surprise, she came into a considerable amount of money
after father's death, like Midas' wish, it offered her nothing she really needed. Nor was she able to
spend any of it to buy her heart's desire, an avenue for her talent and some dignity.
In 1 932 Frances Zimmer went off alone on her frightening adventure, marrying into a magnificent
Italian family which had pulled itself out of the immigrant stew while the patriarch was alive, only
to plummet back into the soup after his death. She married all alone, without a father or mother
there to give her away.
Giovanni Gatto, my grandfather, had been an enlightened publicista in Italy, an unheard of
Presbyterian Italian who swept a contessa off her feet in Calabria in the elopement which resulted
in her disinheritance. Together, Giovanni and Lucrezia came to America with their young children
and set up house in Pittsburgh.
Giovanni is another family ghost I worked to discover. After a short time in this country, he was
hired (personally) by Andrew Mellon to be manager of the Foreign Exchange Department of
Mellon Bank. He was a man for whom restaurants kept a personalized champagne bucket, a man
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who commissioned stone sculptures for his garden. Grandfather Gatto was also leader of the
Freemasons of Pittsburgh, the Grand Venerable. An old news clipping reported his death in
thirty-five column inches with three headlines and a dignified photograph. The obituary called him
"leader of the Italian colony of Pittsburgh," continuing, "fifty-eight cars, each carrying eight
persons, were required to convey friends of the deceased to the cemetery and back home again."
His death produced a shock for the living. No assets survived Giovanni. Only a hasty sale of the
home for much less than its value kept the family out of immediate poverty. The children
scrambled to find a toehold in the working world and by a stoical acceptance of reduced
circumstances managed to keep the family together and to support Lucrezia, who spoke little
English. It was a pulling together the Zimmers had not been able to manage.
Ten years later, mother was drawn into this family orbit, she holding tight to her secrets, Dad
doing the same with his own. What the merger should have conferred on Sister and me was a
striking band of distinctive individuals: big-hearted Laura, elegant Josephine, witty and caustic
Virginia, crotchety Achilles (renamed Kelly.) There was also Nick, the humanist; Frank, the
intellectual; and Lucrezia, the contessa. But instead, our private hurts kept us apart as surely as
the same force divided my sister and me.
Mother found subtle ways to discourage fraternization with the sociable Gattos, Dad eventually
taking the hint. Until I was fully grown and well into midlife, the Gattos were a palimpsest for me;
what cousins that family held, I was strictly partitioned from When occasionally I was taken to
visit Frank or Laura or Josephine, or all together, we were formal with each other, in Old World
style. Each extended courtesy to me, complete with those little flourishes of etiquette which give
significance to the best encounters of children with grown-ups — a quality once common and now
rare which transferred naturally into my school teaching.
Walking Around Monongahela
We're back in Monongahela now, a town of strong principles even if some are wacky or plain
wrong. Pragmatism is a secondary theme here, scorned by most unless it keeps to its place, a
bittersweet oddity because practicality is the town's lingua franca. The phenomenon of open scorn
for the lower orders isn't seen in my Valley, never to the degree I experienced it later in Ithaca,
Cambridge, and Manhattan. The oppressed are insufficiently docile in Monongahela for anyone to
revile openly. So the Pinkerton detectives found out when they went to do Andrew Carnegie's
dirty work at Homestead during the steel strike of 1893. There is only one restaurant in the town
proper, "Peters." It's a place where the country club set drinks coffee alongside rubber jockeys
from the tire vulcanizing shop across the street.
Several nights a week, long after dark when house lights were blazing, Mother would gather
Sister and me for long quiet walks up Second Street hill to the very top, then along the streets on
the ridge line parallel to the river. From these excursions and the morning walks on River Hill I
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learned to listen to my senses and see that town as a creature in itself instead of a background for
my activity. We would walk this way for hours, whispering to each other, looking in windows,
and as we walked, Bootie would deliver an only partially intelligible stream of biographical lore
about the families within. I realize now that she must have been talking to herself. It was like
having a private Boswell to the Dr. Johnson of town society. When she had some money, which
was now and then, we would buy candy at the little grocery at the top of the hill and share it
together, sometimes two candy bars for the three of us or in flush times a whole bar each — and in
the weeks following Christmas when there was holiday money, two each. On two-candy nights
the atmosphere seemed so filled with chocolate perfume that I could hardly sleep.
When my granddad was a boy in Monongahela he watched John Blythe, a planing mill operator,
rebuild large sections of the town in the Italianate style. Blythe had no degree, and the religion of
professional licensing was still in infancy, so he just did it without asking anyone's permission.
Whole sections of the town are now handsome beyond any reasonable right to be because nobody
stopped him. If you see a keystone over a window molding, it's likely to be one of John's.
When my granddad was a boy in Monongahela he used to sit in Mounds Park, site of two ancient
burial mounds left there by the Adena people three thousand years ago. In 1886, the Smithsonian
robbed those graves and took the contents to Washington where they still sit in crates. To
compensate the town, the government built a baseball field where the mounds had been. When my
granddad was a boy, school was voluntary. Some went, but most not for long. It was a free will
choice based on what you valued, not a government hustle to stabilize social classes.
The College Of Zimmer And Hegel
The most important studies I ever engaged in weren't at Cornell or Columbia, but in the
windowless basement of the Zimmer Printing Company, a block and a half from the railroad
tracks that ran alongside the Monongahela. Some of my greatest lessons unfolded near the
mysterious dark green river, with its thick ice sheet near the banks in winter, its iridescent
dragonflies in summer, and its always breathtaking sternwheelers pounding the water up and
down, BAM! BAM! BAM! on the way to ports unknown. To me, the river was without
beginning or end.
Before he went to Germany to beat up the Nazis, my warrior Uncle Bud worked on a riverboat
that went down the Mississippi to New Orleans, on what mission I can't say, then on other boats
that went up and down smaller local rivers. When I was five, he once threw an orange to me from
a riverboat galley while it passed through a lock. A right fielder's strong throwing arm sent that
orange two hundred feet out of the watery trench into my hands. I didn't even have to move.
In the basement of the printing office, Bud's father ("the General," as Moss called him behind his
back) moved strong hands on and off of a printing press. Those presses are gone, but my
grandfather's hands will never be gone. They remain on my shoulder as I write this. I would sit on
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the steps into his subterranean world, watching closely hour after hour as those rough hands fed
sheets of paper into the steam-driven clamshell press. It went BAM! (feed) BAM! (feed) BAM!
(feed) like the riverboats and bit by bit the job piled up on the table next to the press.
It was a classroom without bells or tests. I never got bored, never got out of line. In school I was
thrown out of class frequently for trouble making, but Pappy wouldn't stand for nonsense. Not a
scrap of it. He was all purpose. I never saw a man concentrate as he did, as long as it took,
whatever was called for. I transferred that model unconsciously to my teaching. While my
colleagues were ruled by start-up times, bell schedules, lunch hour, loudspeaker announcements,
and dismissal, I was oblivious to these interruptions. I was ruled by the job to be done, kid by kid,
until it was over, whatever that meant, kid by kid.
No baseball or football, no fishing, no shopping, no romantic adventure could have possibly
matched the fascination I felt watching that tough old man in his tough old town work his
hand-fed press in a naked-light-bulb lit cellar without any supervisor to tell him what to do or how
to feel about it. He knew how to design and do layout, set type, buy paper, ink presses and repair
them, clean up, negotiate with customers, price jobs, and keep the whole ensemble running. How
did he learn this without school? Harry Taylor Zimmer, Senior. I loved him. Still do.
He worked as naturally as he breathed, a perfect hero to me — I wonder if he understood that. On
some secret level it was Pappy who held our family together, regardless of his position as pariah
to his wife and his estranged brothers, regardless of an ambivalent relationship of few words with
his daughter and son, granddaughter and grandson, and with his remaining brother, Will, the one
who still spoke to him and worked alongside him at the presses. I say "spoke" when the best I can
personally attest to is only association. They worked side by side but I never actually heard a
single conversation between them. Will never entered our apartment above the shop. He slept on
the press table in the basement. Yet Pappy kept the family faith. He knew his duty. When Bud
brought his elegant wife home from the war, she would sit in Pappy' s room talking to him hour
after hour, the two snorting and laughing thick as thieves. He had lost the key of conversation
only with his own bloodline.
I realize today that if Pappy couldn't count on himself, he was out of business and the rest of us in
the poorhouse. If he hadn't liked himself, he would have gone crazy, alone with those heavy metal
rhythms in the eternal gloom of the printing office basement. As I watched him he never said a
word, didn't throw a glance in my direction. I had to supply my own incentive, welcome to stay
or go, yet I sensed he appreciated my presence. Perhaps he did understand how I loved him.
Sometimes when the job was finished he would lecture me a little about politics I didn't
understand.
In the craft tradition, printers are independent, even dangerous men. Ben Franklin was a printer
like my German grandfather, himself preoccupied with things German at times. Movable type
itself is German. Pappy was a serious student of the Prussian philosopher Hegel. I would hear
Hegel's name in his conversations with Bud's wife, Helen. Late in his own life he began to speak
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to my father again. And sometimes even to me in my middle teens. I remember references to
Hegel from those times, too.
Hegel was philosopher in residence at the University of Berlin during the years when Prussia was
committing itself to forced schooling. It's not farfetched to regard Hegel as the most influential
thinker in modern history. Virtually everyone who made political footprints in the past two
centuries, school people included, was Hegelian, or anti-Hegelian. Even today many
knowledgeable people have no idea how important Hegel is to the deliberations of important men
as they debate our common future.
Hegel was important wherever strict social control was an issue. Ambitious states couldn't let a
single child escape, said Hegel. Hegel believed nothing happened by accident; he thought history
was headed somewhere and that its direction could be controlled. "Men as gods" was Hegel's
theme before it was H.G. Wells'. Hegel believed when battle cannon roared, it was God talking to
himself, working out his own nature dialectically. It's a formidable concept. No wonder it
appealed to men who didn't labor, like Mr. Morgan or Mr. Rockefeller or Mr. Carnegie yet who
still disdained easeful luxury. It engaged a printer's attention, and a little boy's, too.
When I began to teach, I took the lessons of Monongahela and my two families to heart. The
harder I struggled to understand myself, the better luck I had with other people's kids. A person
has to know where his dead are buried and what his duty is before you can trust him. Whatever I
had to teach children is locked up in the words you just read, as is the genesis of my critique of
forced schooling.
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Chapter 11
The Church
The thesis I venture to submit to you is as follows: That during the past forty
or fifty years those who are responsible for education have progressively
removed from the curriculum of studies the Western culture which produced
the modern democratic state; That the schools and colleges have, therefore,
been sending out into the world men who no longer understand the creative
principle of the society in which they must live; That deprived of their cultural
tradition, the newly educated Western men no longer possess in the form and
substance of their own minds and spirits and ideas, the premises, the
rationale, the logic, the method, the values of the deposited wisdom which are
the genius of the development of Western civilization; That the prevailing
education is destined, if it continues, to destroy Western civilization and is in
fact destroying it.
I realize quite well that this thesis constitutes a sweeping indictment of
modern education. But I believe the indictmen t is justified and here is a prima
facie case for entering this indictment.
— Walter Lippmann, speaking before the Association for the Advancement
of Science, December 29, 1940
The Struggle For Homogeneity
In 1882, an Atlantic Monthly writer predicted a coming struggle for preservation of the American
social order. European immigrants were polarizing the country, upsetting the "homogeneity on
which free government must rest." That idea of a necessary homogeneity made it certain that all
lanes out of the 1880s led to orthodoxy on a national scale. There was to be an official American
highway, its roadbed built from police manuals and schoolteacher training texts. Citizens would
now be graded against the official standard, up to the highest mark, "100 percent American."
In the thirty years between 1890 and 1920, the original idea of America as a cosmopolitan
association of peoples, each with its own integrity, gave way to urgent calls for national unity.
Even before WWI added its own shrill hysterics to the national project of regimentation, new
social agencies were in full cry on every front, aggressively taking the battle of Americanization to
millions of bewildered immigrants and their children.
The elite-managed "birth-control" movement, which culminated one hundred years later in the
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legalization of abortion, became visible and active during this period, annually distributing millions
of pieces of literature aimed at controlling lower-class breeding instincts, an urgent priority on the
national elitist agenda. Malthus, Darwin, Galton, and Pearson became secular saints at the
Lawrence and Sheffield Scientific Schools at Harvard and Yale. Judge Ben Lindsey of the Denver
Children's Court, flogging easy access to pornography as an indirect form of sterilization for
underclass men, was a different tile in the same mosaic, as was institutional adoption. The planned
parenthood movement, in our day swollen to billion dollar corporate status, was one side of a coin
whose obverse was the prospering abortion, birth control, and adoption industries. In those
crucial years, a sudden host of licensing acts closed down employment in a wide range of lucrative
work — rationing the right to practice trades much as kings and queens of England had done.
Work was distributed to favored groups and individuals who were willing to satisfy screening
commissions that they met qualifications often unrelated to the actual work. Licensing suddenly
became an important factor in economic life, just as it had been in royal England. This
professionalization movement endowed favored colleges and institutes, text publishers, testing
agencies, clothing manufacturers, and other allies with virtual sinecures.
Professional schools — even for bus drivers and detectives — imposed the chastening discipline of
elaborate formal procedures, expensive and time-consuming "training," on what had once been
areas of relatively free-form career design. And medicine, law, architecture, engineering,
pharmacology — the blue-ribbon work licenses — were suddenly rigorously monitored, rationed by
political fortune. Immigrants were often excluded from meeting these qualification demands, and
many middle-class immigrants with a successful history of professional practice back in Europe
were plunged into destitution, their families disintegrating under the artificial stresses. Others, like
my own family, scrambled to abandon their home culture as far as possible in a
go-along-with-the-crowd response to danger.
One of the hardest things for any present-day reader to grasp about this era was the brazenness of
the regimentation. Scientific management was in its most enthusiastic public phase then,
monumentally zealous, maddingly smug. The state lay under effective control of a relatively small
number of powerful families freed by the Darwinian religion from ethical obligation to a
democratic national agenda, or even to its familiar republican/libertarian antithesis. Yet those
antagonists comprised the bedrock antinomies of our once revolutionary public order, and
without the eternal argument they provoked, there was no recognizable America.
Eugenics Arrives
Between 1890 and 1920, the percentage of our population adjudged "feeble-minded" and
condemned to institutional confinement more than doubled. The long-contemplated hygienic form
of social control formulated by eighteenth-century German social thinker Johann Frank, "complete
medical policing," was launched with a vengeance. Few intimidations are more effective than the
threat of a stay in an insane asylum. Did the population of crazies really double in those three
decades? The answer given by one contemporary was elliptically Darwinian: "Marriage of these
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inferiors is a veritable manufactory of degenerates." It could no longer go unchecked.
The American Birth Control League 1 left no doubt about its plans. Its position, as expressed by
Yale psychologist Arnold L. Gesell, was that "society need not wait for perfection of the infant
science of eugenics before proceeding upon a course which will prevent renewal of defective
protoplasm contaminating the stream of life." Gesell's The Family and the Nation (1909), a
thorough product of the new Zeitgeist, advocated "eugenic violence" in dealing with inferiors.
According to Gesell, "We must do as with the feebleminded, organize the extinction of the tribe."
[emphases added]
Here was a far different promise of American life, a Connecticut Valley Yale-style pledge. Yet
governors of the Birth Control League were acclaimed heroes in every progressive assembly.
With this thrust, old-line Calvinism converted its theological elements into scientific truth,
supported mathematically by the new Galtonian discipline of statistics. Yale was the most
important command center for the reemergence of old-time Puritan religion, now thoroughly
disguised behind the language of research methodology.
The eugenics movement begun by Galton in England was energetically spread to the United
States by his followers. Besides destroying lesser breeds (as they were routinely called) by
abortion, sterilization, adoption, celibacy, two-job family separations, low- wage rates to dull the
zest for life, and, above all, schooling to dull the mind and debase the character, other methods
were clinically discussed in journals, including a childlessness which could be induced through
easy access to pornography. 2 At the same time those deemed inferior were to be turned into
eunuchs, Galtonians advocated the notion of breeding a super race.
Humanist Scott Nearing wrote his masterpiece, The Super Race: An American Problem, in 1912,
just as the drive to destroy an academic curriculum in public schools was reaching its first
crescendo. By "problem," Nearing wasn't referring to a moral dilemma. Rather, he was simply
arguing that only America had the resources to meet the engineering challenge posed in creating
supermen out of genetic raw stock.
1 The early manifestation under Margaret Sanger's influence of the organization, which eventually changed its
name to Planned Parenthood.
2 As mentioned previously, this was Judge Ben Lindsey's idea; Lindsey was the man often credited with perfecting
Children's Court procedures, particularly suspension of defendants' customary legal rights.
Mr. Hitler Reads Mr. Ford
The "visionary" theories soon to be imposed on America belie our myth of the melting pot as
some type of spontaneous sociological force. The two great mass immigration periods (1848 to
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1860 and 1871 to 1914) posed a threat to the course of national development that was underway.
The unique American experience of creating a particular New World culture was still too green,
too recent a historical phenomenon to tolerate the sophisticated competition of pluralism. A
cosmopolitan society like that of fifth-century Roman England wasn't possible for America to
accept without damaging its growth.
The possibilities inherent in a bazaar society were at once exciting and anxiety provoking to
Americans, just as they were to Horace Mann. Yet beneath a sophisticated mask and a veneer of
cosmopolite civility certain factions sought release from their uneasy ambivalence. There was only
one realistic solution to human variability, the solution of the Order of the Star-Spangled Banner
(popularly called "The Know Nothing Party"), "You must be as we are." Those who surrendered
to such pressure, as many newcomers did, were ultimately worse off than those who insulated
themselves in ghettos. 3
Some pages back I referred to the brazenness of our new social arrangements, a sense of vulgar
pushiness the reader senses radiating from various temples of reform. In some crazy way the
ornamentation of the period carries the flavor of its arrogance. It prepares us to understand the
future — that time in which we now live, our own age where "home cooking" means commercially
homogenized food product microwaved, where an entire nation sits down each evening to
commercial entertainment, hears the same processed news, wears the same clothing, takes
direction from the same green road signs, thinks the same media-inculcated thoughts, and
relegates its children and elders to the same scientific care of strangers in schools and "nursing
homes."
A signpost of the times: in 1920, the Henry Ford Publishing Company distributed 2 million free
copies of its recent best seller to all libraries and all schools in the nation. The book: The
International Jew: World's Foremost Problem. Adolf Hitler was still a poor war hero, living in
Munich with Ernst Hanfstaengel, the half- American Harvard graduate whose mother was one of
the legendary New England Sedgwicks. Hitler had Hanfstaengel read Ford's book to him. In the
pages of Mein Kampf, Ford is lavishly praised. Of Ford's other efforts to define the 100 percent
American, at least one more deserves special mention. Speaking and writing English had very
little to do with work on a Ford assembly line, but Ford decided to make English- language classes
compulsory. The first thing foreign-speaking Ford employees learned to say: "I am a good
American."
Ford students were graduated in a musical extravaganza that bears close attention as an indicator
of the American spiritual climate after WWI. A huge black pot took up the middle of a stage,
from which hung a large sign that read "MELTING POT." From backstage an endless procession
of costumed immigrants descended into the pot on a ladder reaching into its bowels. Each wore a
sign identifying his former homeland. Simultaneously, from either side of the pot two other
streams of men emerged, now converted into real Americans, dressed in identical clothing. Each
waved a small American flag while a brass band played "America the Beautiful," fortissimo. Wives
and children cheered wildly when cue cards were flashed.
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It was nothing short of marvelous that world champion Jew-baiter Henry Ford, architect of the
most opulent and sinister foundation of them all, 4 major player in the psychologization of
American schooling, was a closet impresario in the bargain! Ford completed America's
philanthropic circle. Three great private fortunes were to dominate early twentieth-century public
schooling — Carnegie's, Rockefeller's, and Ford's — each with a stupendous megalomaniac in
charge of the checkbook, each dedicating the power of great wealth not to conspicuous
consumption but to radical experiments in the transformation of human nature. The hardest lesson
to grasp is that they weren't doing this for profit or fame — but from a sense of conviction
reserved only for true believers.
There was no room in America for the faint-hearted. If a man wanted to be 100 percent
American, he had to reject his original homeland. Other Americanizing themes were heard, too.
General Leonard Wood growled that the Prussian practice of "Universal Military Service" was the
best means to make the unassimilated "understand they are American." By the time I graduated
from high school in 1953, universal military training took me away to Kentucky and Texas, to
become an American, I suppose. After government school, government army, and Anglican
Columbia were through with me, I had lost the map to get back home.
All over the American Midwest, "Fitter Families Competitions" were held at state fairs and
expositions, ranking American families by objective criteria, much as hogs or cattle are ranked.
Winners got wide play in the press, ramming the point home to immigrant families that the
mustard would be cut in the land of the Star-Spangled Banner by mathematical checklist attention
to recipes and rules. After all, God himself had probably been a research scientist, or so William
Rainey Harper, president of the University of Chicago, declared to the nation.
3 This process of very slow assimilation into settled groups is a pattern everywhere, particularly noticeable in
smaller communities where it may take two or three generations or even longer for a new family to be incorporated
into the most intimate society. Ghettos often serve well as mediators of transition, while the record of professional
social agencies in this regard is disastrous.
4 Many people I meet consider the Ford Foundation a model of enlightened corporate beneficence, and although
Jesse Jackson's "Hymietown" remark ended his serious political prospects in America, Ford's much deeper and
more relentless scorn for those he considered mongrel races and religions, particularly the Jews, has long been
forgiven and forgotten. On July 30, 1938, the Hitler government presented Henry Ford with the Grand Cross of the
Supreme Order of the German Eagle. Only three other non-Germans ever got that honor and Benito Mussolini was
one of them.
Racial Suicide
Francis Amasa Walker, president of M.I. T., first declared in 1891 what was soon to become an
upper-class mantra: Anglo-Saxons were quietly committing "racial suicide." The insult of
competing with Latin/Slav/Celtic folkways seemingly discouraged reproduction among families of
the old stock. After that bombshell, an orchestrated campaign of scientific racism swept the
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United States and didn't flag in public energy for forty long years. Racial suicide was the Red
Scare, Fifth Column, and AIDS epidemic of its day all rolled into one. In the long history of
manufactured crises, it ranks up there with the Reichstag fire, Pearl Harbor, the Gulf of Tonkin,
the gasoline shortage of 1973, the Asian economic miracle, and corporate downsizing as a prime
example of modern psychological management of public opinion. The racial suicide theme
sounded at exactly the moment public schooling was transforming itself into forced government
schooling.
The American campaign against racial suicide enlisted great scientists of the day to produce a full
library of books, scientific journal articles, popular magazine pieces, legislation, lectures, and
indirect school curricula. It caught the attention of the entire civilized world, including Imperial
Germany and Imperial Japan. Both sent official study delegations to America to observe the
resourcefulness of this new industrial utopia in purging itself of its original democratic character.
It is as if there exists some tacit understanding on the part of mainstream scholarship and
journalism to steer clear of the shoals of this period, but even an amateur like myself finds enough
to indicate that racial suicide provided a leading motive to justify the radical shift of American
society toward well-schooled orthodoxy. What is intriguing in light of the relative amnesia
concerning these connections is the sheer quantity of the damning data. Genetic experimentation,
once teased from its hiding holes, is revealed as a master political project of the twentieth century
with the United States, Germany, and England its enthusiastic sponsors. Data gathered in school
surveys and social experimentation with children have been important sources of grist for this
initiative.
M.I.T.'s Walker got an intellectual boost from activities of the influential American sociologist
Edward A. Ross, who explained to the American Academy of Political and Social Science exactly
how unchecked Asiatic immigration would lead to the extinction of the American people. Higher
races, he said, will not endure competition from lower ones. After that, even Teddy Roosevelt
was issuing marching orders to Anglo-Saxon mothers, asking well-bred ladies to mobilize their
loins in an effort to arrest the suicidal decline. Breed as if the race depended on it, said Roosevelt.
Eugenics had openly become national politics for the first time in America, but hardly the last.
Harper's Weekly chastised Roosevelt, saying mere exhortation would have no effect as long as
immigration continued to reduce the native birthrate by insulting our best breeders. From 1905 to
1909 at least one major popular magazine article on the subject appeared every single month.
Books warned that race suicide would "toll the passing of this great Anglo- Teuton people," giving
the nation over to Latins, Slavs, or worse, Jews and other Asiatics.
Meanwhile, the long-ignored genetic work of monk Gregor Mendel was conveniently
rediscovered, adding more fuel to the fires of racial thinking. Here, presumably, a humble man of
God showed mathematically that something caused transmission of characteristics from
generation to generation, independent of any effect of nurture or education. Horse, dog, and rose
breeders had empirically derived these insights a thousand years before Mendel, but credit passed
to science for the "discovery."
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Into the center of this racial excitement strode the formidable figure of Sir Francis Galton, first
cousin of Charles Darwin, in line of descent from Malthus, 5 possessor of incredible intellectual
ability and indefatigable energy, a man of great personal wealth, a knight of the realm. Galton
preached improvement of the human breed with evangelical fervor, demanding a policy of
biological positivism which would produce the same genetic dividends that were being reaped by
positivism in the hard sciences of chemistry and physics. The "eugenics movement," as it was now
called, would save us socially by manipulating the best to breed (positive eugenics) and
encouraging the worst to die out (negative eugenics). School would have a major role to play in
this. Race-improvement was in the air, its method compounded out of state action and forced
schooling.
Galton's inspiration and plenty of American money — much of it Andrew Carnegie's and Mrs.
Averill Harriman's — opened the first racial science laboratory in the world in Cold Spring Harbor,
Long Island, in 1904. And kept it open for thirty-five years, until Hitler's invasion of Poland made
discretion seem the wiser part of zealotry for the moment at the Carnegie Corporation. In 1939, it
was quietly shut down. The last president at the Cold Spring Harbor facility was M.I.T. president
Vannevar Bush, often called "The Father of the Atomic Bomb." Eugenic thinking injected energy
into the exploding "mental hygiene" movement, too. Word went out to the recently erected
national network of hospitals that it was okay to begin sterilizing mental defectives. This green
fight came complete with legislative licenses to decide who those defectives were — and freedom
from any legal jeopardy.
A scholarly book from M.I.T. created intellectual havoc in the year 1899 and long afterwards,
lending maximum credibility to the eugenicist agenda. The Races of Europe was written by
brilliant economist William Z. Ripley; it armed the racial-suicide crowd and its companion group
of enthusiasts, the racial-science crowd, with information that Europe was divided into three
races, easily distinguishable from one another by physical measurements. First, a race of blonde
long heads (the Teutons); second, a central race of stocky round heads (the Alpines); and third, a
southern race of slender, dark long heads (the Mediterraneans). Here, finally, was a way to
distinguish reliably among the qualities of old immigration and new! Ripley took the 28-year-old
Darwinian concept of "reversion" and charged it with new energy.
Was it possible, Ripley asked, that promiscuous breeding of Nordic peoples with Southern
Europeans could doom the New England Anglo-Nordic stock? Incipient race suicide could be
dealt with only by legislation. Education should be employed to raise the current immigrant's
"standard of morality," making him more tolerable to society. That would help. But nothing could
be done about reversion. Subspecies of men could not be allowed to couple with 100 percent
American female breeding stock.
All the pieces were now in position for full-scale national hysteria to commence, an era of
sanctions buttressed by the authority of peerless scientific experts. American society would
require harsh discipline after the Prussian fashion in order to meet this challenge. Thanks to men
like Ripley, the experts could apply such discipline with an exalted sense of mathematical
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righteousness. The first requirement would be to force the dangerous classes into schools. Laws
were on the books, time to enforce them.
A covert American sterilization program managed by trusted administrators in the brand new
hospital network took place during the same years that forced schooling was being brought along.
This sterilization initiative occasionally broke silence in highly specialized journals whose reader
discretion was taken for granted. Thus Charles V. Carrington, writing in the Journal of Criminal
Law, Criminology, and Police Science (July 1910), reported on two interesting cases of successful
involuntary sterilization. One involved an "epileptic masturbator" who, after vasectomy, "ceased
masturbating altogether." The other was a black man also given to masturbation and general
deviltry. After sterilization, he became "a strong, well-developed young Negro, nicely behaved,
and not a masturbatory sodomist," Carrington reported. Surgical intervention as social policy was
given its precedents in America long before the Nazi era.
Advocates of Yaleman Gesell's "eugenic violence" offensive against the underclasses swung from
every point on the scientific compass. William McDoug all, the eminent social psychologist,
announced himself a champion of Nordic superiority; Ellsworth Huntington, prominent Yale
geographer, wrote The Character of Races, showing that only one race had any real moral
character. Henry Fairfield Osborn, president and founder of the American Museum of Natural
History, gave the "Address of Welcome" to the Second International Congress of Eugenics;
Osbom's close friend Lothrop Stoddard wrote The Revolt Against Civilization: Menace of the
Underman; and psychologist James McKeen Cattell, a force in the rise of standardized testing,
wrote to Galton, "We are following in America your advice and example."
The famous humanitarian anthropologist Alfred L. Kroeber remarked acidly to a newsman that
anti-eugenic protests came only from the "orthodoxly religious," rarely from the enlightened camp
of science. So there it was. Keep them all in mind: Kroeber, Gesell, Ripley, McDougall,
Huntington, Osborn, great scientific humanist names whose work underscored how important a
role forced schooling was designed to play. Scientific studies had shown conclusively that
extending the duration and intensity of schooling caused sharp declines in fertility — and sterility in
many. Part of school's stealth curriculum would be a steady expansion of its reach throughout the
century.
Two more examples will drive home the relentlessness of this long scientific campaign against
American tradition. J.B.S. Haldane, a distinguished Fabian geneticist from England, issued a lurid
warning about what might happen if blonde women bred with human demi-apes like Italians,
Jews, and other kinds of retrograde biology: "A new type of submen, abhorred by nature, ugly as
no natural product is ugly" would emerge. The new hypothesis held that female offspring of such
unions would be too repulsive to look upon.
In Daedalus, or Science and the Future, Haldane said there were really only four fundamental
biological innovations of prehistory: 1) Domestication of animals; 2) Domestication of plants; 3)
The use of fungi for the production of alcohol; 4) The invention of frontal copulation "which
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altered the path of sexual selection, focused the attention of man as a lover upon woman's face
and breasts, and changed our ideal of beauty from the steatopygous Hottentot to the modern
European, from the Venus of Brassenpouy to the Venus of Milo."
All evolution might be in jeopardy if there were no more pretty faces to look at, this was the
thesis. Today, there is an aura of the absurd to these assertions, but it would be well to reflect on
the institutional world that emerged from the other end of this same forge, for it is the new moral
world you and I live in, a fully scientized and organized society, managed by the best
people — people who prefer to remain out of sight of the hoi polloi, segregated in their own in
walled villages and other redoubts.
5 Not quite as sinister as it sounds. Virtually all distinguished English names bear a family
relationship toone another; its privileged classes, like those of other nations like Germany (or
Japan) constitute a protected breeding stock in which intermarriage is not just common, but de
rigeur, one might say with only a trace of mischief. Indeed, in a genealogy text whose title I've
long forgotten, I learned from the author (alas forgotten, too) that two thirds of all American
presidents stood in an easily traceable family relationship to one another. See Chapter Twelve for
more enlightenment on this score. Or simply ponder the meaning of this: After the 2004
presidential nominations have been decided, if Senator Kerry of Massachusetts is the Democratic
nominee and George W. Bush the Republican, then five presidential terms in a row will have been
served by men with a Yale degree when the eventual victor's term is complete! And three if those
terms will have featured a president who was a member, while at Yale, of a tiny secret society,
Skull & Bones, which only accepts fifteen members a year. On this score, either Bush or Kerry
will serve equally well as both are Yale graduates and both Skull & Bones initiates.
The Passing Of The Great Race
No discussion of the dreamlike years of overt American scientific racism and schooling would be
complete without a nod to the ghost of Madison Grant, who has mysteriously vanished from the
pages of some standard biographical references, though they still carry his cousins, Grant the
portrait painter and Grant the educator. No matter, I shall tell you about him. If you have ever
been to the Bronx Zoo 6 you have been a guest of Mr. Grant's beneficent imagination, for he was
its founder and the founder of its parent, the New York Zoological Society. The Bronx Zoo, its
fame and good works inspire worldwide gratitude. Grant's legacy to us, as free libraries were
Carnegie's.
Grant was a lifelong bachelor, a childless man. Like many people associated with public schooling
on a policy level, Grant came from a patrician family which had graced society from colonial days.
No Grant ever held a menial job. Madison Grant was considered a leading scientific naturalist of
his time. His monographs on the Rocky Mountain goat, the moose, and the caribou are little
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classics of their kind, still consulted. Men and women related to Grant have been directors of
American society since the Age of the Mathers.
Grant was deeply disgusted by the mixing of European races underway here; he believed the
foundation of our national and cultural life lay in racial purity and backed this opinion with action.
It is hardly possible to believe some of this attitude didn't enter into the museum's presentation of
data and even into those hundreds of thousands of school field trips. In Grant's competent hands,
the boldness and sweep of old Anglo-Saxon tradition was fused into a systematic worldview, then
broadcast through books and lectures to the entire planet. His magnum opus appeared in 1916
bearing the epic title The Passing of the Great Race, with an introduction by Museum of Natural
History luminary Henry Fairfield Osborn — a man who wrote one of the texts I used myself as a
junior high school student.
The Passing of the Great Race warns that the ruling race of the Western world is beginning to
wane because of a "fatuous belief that environment can alter heredity. 7 The clear connection to
the predestination canon of Calvin and to the great Norse tradition of implacable Fate is
unmistakable. Grant's own genealogy came from both these strains in European history. Whatever
else he was, Grant was neither dull nor commonplace. Using Darwin and Mendelian genetics to
support his argument, Grant said flatly that different races do not blend, that mixing "gives us a
race reverting to the more ancient and lower type." A "cross between any of the three European
races and a Jew is a Jew."
Grant argued that culture is racially determined. Alpines have always been peasants,
Mediterraneans, artists and intellectuals; but "the white man par excellence" was the Nordic
blonde conqueror of the North: explorers, fighters, rulers, aristocrats, organizers of the world. In
early America the stock was purely Nordic, but now swarming hybrids threatened it with
destruction except in a few zones of racial purity like Minnesota.
Madison Grant felt democracy as a political system violated scientific facts of heredity the same
way Christianity did, by favoring the weak. This led inexorably to biological decadence. Even
national consciousness might confuse one's rational first loyalty, which had to be race. This was
the codex of the Bronx Zoo's founder. Six years after its publication, The Passing of the Great
Race was still in print and Grant's New York Zoological Society more respectable than ever.
Eventually Margaret Mead was beneficiary of considerable patronage from Grant's Museum of
Natural History, as indeed the whole shaky new community of anthropological thought became.
Although Mead's work appears to contradict Grant's, by the time the academic world began to
push the relativism of Mead, Ruth Benedict, and other interpreters of primitive culture, a double
standard had settled in on intellectual life in the United States and Europe.
For those whose status was secured by birth, theories of inherited quality were available. For the
great mass of others, however, the body of theory which paid off in foundation grants, the one
driving modem political and economic development, was that corpus of studies exploring the
notion of extreme plasticity in human nature, a pliability grading into shapelessness. If mankind
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were seen to be clay, radical social action justifying continuous intervention could surely bring
Utopia within reach, while providing expanding opportunities to academics. The academic
marketplace eagerly supplied evidence that quality was innate to the powerful, and evidence that
human nature was empty to the rest of us.
6 As five hundred thousand school trips to date have been.
7 Simplified, the belief that human nature could be changed, complicated enormously by a collateral belief that
there are a variety of such natures, correlated with race and other variables. As I warn elsewhere, these men used
the concept "race" in a more intimate way than contemporary ears are used to. As Grant would have viewed things,
"white" or "Caucasian" is subject to many subdivisions, each of which has a value rank. The "great race" in America
is Aryan. One very influential tome of the 1920s, for instance, was Joseph Widney's two-volume Race Life of the
Aryan People. Widney was a founder of the University of Southern California.
The Poison Of Democracy
The spring used to classify the U.S. population in an unprecedented and very radical way as
WWI. Prior to the war, eugenicists evaluated racial and national groups by comparing numbers of
one group or another on "lists of distinction," 8 but they had no way of penetrating the secret inner
spaces of consciousness. On the verge of the world war the new social discipline of psychology,
struggling to attain a status of hard science, claimed to be able to change all that. It boasted of a
power to go deep into the hidden regions of the brain. The new techno -miracle of the day was the
invention of a mysterious "intelligence test," an "IQ" score which allegedly could place secrets of
intellectual power at the disposal of managerial science.
The just assembled American army of WWI was soon subject to mass intelligence measurement
under the direction of Robert M. Yerkes, president of the American Physiological Association, an
organization recently invented by Wundtian protege G. Stanley Hall. Results published after the
war showed remarkable correlation with similar tests on American school children. While Yerkes
was reporting these findings to the National Academy of Sciences, famous psychologist Dr.
William McDougall was summarizing the civilian studies for the general public in his book, Is
America Safe for Democracy? Latins and Slavs in fair mental competition scored significantly
lower than native whites, he said. How, then, could they be given a vote equal to white men?
McDougall claimed that hard data unmistakably revealed that a racial interpretation of history was
the correct one. In his book A Study of American Intelligence, psychologist Carl Brigham
concluded in 1923 that "the intellectual superiority of our Nordic group over Alpine,
Mediterranean and Negro groups has been demonstrated."
After 1922, racism was a truth of science. Word quickly spread into every corner of Europe; but
particularly in defeated Germany, ancient Teutonic barrier against Slavic incursion, these new
truths were enthusiastically discussed. General agreement confirmed Nordic superiority. The
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popular writer Kenneth Roberts (Northwest Passage) took up the cry. One of America's foremost
novelists, he lectured American book dealers from the pages of the specialist journal Bookman
that "the Alpine school of fiction" spread the poison of democracy through the whole culture.
School texts were appropriately adjusted. Roberts identified himself, as you may already have
guessed, as 100 percent Nordic.
Now intelligence tests were huckstered in school district after school district; fortunes accrued to
well-placed pedagogical leaders and their political allies. Every child would now be given a
magical number ranking it scientifically in the great race of life. School grades might vary
according to the whim of teachers, but IQ scores were unvarying, an emotionless badge of
biological honor or shame, marking innate, almost unchanging ability. Millions of tests
administered annually to primary and secondary students would prove the "value rank" of the
American peoples. Mental ages were dutifully entered on permanent record cards with as much
assurance as Horace Mann, Barnas Sears, WilliamTorrey Harris, John Dewey, and G. Stanley Hall
had accepted skull maps drawn by their favorite phrenologists.
Every day science seemed to make it clearer and clearer that forcing everyone to fit the
Anglo-Saxon mold was indeed doing humanity a mighty favor. If children couldn't be biologically
Anglo/Nordic, they could be so acculturated at least partly that way, through regular drill. After
all, hadn't psychology proven how malleable human nature was? Henry Fairfield Osborn stepped
forward from his duties at the American Museum of Natural History to announce portentously
that Christopher Columbus — always a choking point (as a Latin) for America's cultural
leadership — was actually Nordic.
8 An invention of Galton.
The American Protective League
By the first year of WWI, American political leadership was ferreting out disloyalty and enforcing
scientific conformity. Any number of private and secret societies appeared to forward this cause.
The "Anti- Yellow Dog League" was one of these, composed of schoolboys above the age of ten,
who searched out disloyalty each day from one of its thousand branches nationwide, barking like
German shepherds when a disloyal yellow dog, otherwise someone looking like you or me, was
flushed from cover and branded. Schools enthusiastically cooperated in "Dog Hunts," as they
were called.
The U.S. Justice Department secretly empowered private associations as volunteer spy-hunters.
One, the American Protective League (APL), earned semi-official status in the national
surveillance game, in time growing to enormous size. Founded by a Chicago advertising man, the
APL had twelve hundred units functioning across America, all staffed by business and professional
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people. It was a genuine secret society replete with oath and rituals. Membership gave every
operative the authority to be a national policeman. The first location placed under surveillance in
every neighborhood was the local public school. Assignments were given by the old (Federal)
Bureau of Investigation and by the War Department's Intelligence Division to report on "seditious
and disloyal" conversation. From the authorized history of the APL comes this specimen case:
Powers County, Colorado: investigated fifty cases of mouth-to-mouth
propaganda, a notable cause being that of a German Lutheran minister who
refused to answer the questions as to which side he wished to win the war. He
asked for time. The next day he declared very promptly that he wanted the
United States to win. He was instructed to prove this by preaching and praying
it in private as well as in public, which he agreed to do.
The APL checked up on people who failed to buy Liberty Bonds. It spotted violators of food and
gasoline regulations, rounded up draft evaders in New York, disrupted Socialist meetings in
Cleveland, broke strikes, threatened union men with immediate induction into the army. The
attorney general of the United States reported to Congress, "It is safe to say never in history has
this country been so thoroughly policed." (emphasis added) Nor, he might have added, the
training of the young so well regulated.
Guaranteed Customers
Prior to 1860 Americans didn't demand a high level of national solidarity — a loose sort of
catch-as-catch-can unity satisfied the nation in spite of the existence even then of patriotic special
interest groups like Know-Nothings. Neither by geography, culture, common experience, or
preference was the United States naturally a single country although it did possess a common
language. But conformity had been ordered by corporate and banking interests from the
Northeast, so one country it would become.
Stupendous profits accrued to these interests from the Civil War, and its great lesson of national
regimentation into squads, platoons, brigades, companies, regiments, and army corps was not lost
on the winners. Warfare by its nature forces men to wear "value-ranks" openly for all to see,
forces everyone to subordinate themselves to higher ranks, and higher ranks to subordinate
themselves to invisible orders. War conditions men to rule and to be ruled. Modern war creates a
society far different in type and scale from the ragged and bizarre individuality which emerged out
of the American Revolution. With everyone dressing alike, eating alike, and doing everything else
alike, maximum profit can be derived from the use of mass-production machinery in an ideal
environment where the goods of production are swiftly wasted, and military "consumers" are
literally forbidden the right to refuse to consume! A soldier must wear his uniform, eat his food,
fire his rifle. To guaranteed customers through psychological drills is the very essence of the
corporate world about to come into being.
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Industrial Efficiency
After the Civil War, the guaranteed customer was not a thing prudent businessmen were willing to
surrender. Could there be some different way to bring about uniformity again without another
conflict? Vast fortunes awaited those who would hasten such a jubilee. Consolidation.
Specialization. These were the magical principles President Harper was to preach forty years later
at the University of Chicago. Whatever sustained national unity was good, including war,
whatever retarded it was bad. School was an answer, but it seemed hopelessly far away in 1865.
Things were moving slowly on these appointed tracks when a gigantic mass of Latin, and then
Slavic, immigrants was summoned to the United States to labor, in the 1870s and afterwards. It
came colorfully dressed, swilling wine, hugging and kissing children, eyes full of hope. Latin
immigration would seem to represent a major setback for the realization of any systematic Utopia
and its schools. But a president had been shot dead in 1 865. Soon another was shot dead by a
presumed (though not actual) immigrant barely fifteen years later. Rioting followed, bloody
strikes, national dissension. It was a time tailor-made for schoolmen, an opportunity to manage
history.
The Americanization movement, which guaranteed forced schooling to its first mass clientele, was
managed from several bases; three important ones were social settlement houses, newly minted
patriotic hereditary societies, and elite private schools (which sprang up in profusion after 1880).
Madison Grant was a charter member of one of the patriotic groups, "The Society of Colonial
Wars." All compartments of the Americanization machine cooperated to rack the immigrant
family to its breaking point. But some, like settlement houses, were relatively subtle in their
effects. Here, the home culture was inadvertently denigrated through automatic daily comparison
with the settlement culture, a genteel world constructed by society ladies dedicated to serving the
poor.
Hereditary societies worked a different way: Through educational channels, lectures, rallies,
literature they broadcast a code of attitudes directed at the top of society. Mainline Protestant
churches were next to climb on the Americanization bandwagon, and the "home-missions"
program became a principal gathering station for adoptable foreign children. By 1907 the YMCA
was heavily into this work, but the still embryonic undertaking of leveling the masses lacked
leadership and direction.
Such would eventually be supplied by Frances Kellor, a muckraker and a tremendous force for
conformity in government schooling. Kellor, the official presiding genius of the American-ization
movement, came out of an unlikely quarter, yet in retrospect an entirely natural one. She was the
daughter of a washerwoman, informally adopted out of poverty by two wealthy local spinsters,
who eventually sent her to Cornell where she took a law degree through their generosity. After a
turn toward sociology at the University of Chicago, Kellor mastered Harper's twin lessons of
specialization and consolidation and set out boldly to reform America's immigrant families.
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Her first muckraking book, Out of Work, was published in 1904. For the next two years she
drafted remedial legislation and earned her spurs lobbying. By 1906, she had Teddy Roosevelt's
personal ear. Six years later, she was head of the Progressive Party's publicity department and
research arm. Kellor, under William Rainey Harper's inspiration, became an advocate of industrial
efficiency. She despised waste and disorder, urging that "opportunity" be rationalized and put
under control — the first hint of School-to- Work legislation to follow in the waning decades of the
century. Work and licenses should be used as incentives to build national unity. Discipline was the
ticket, and for discipline, carrots were required as well as sticks.
Charles Evans Hughes, then governor, made Kellor the first woman ever to head a state agency,
appointing her director of the Bureau of Industries and Immigration in New York. By 1909,
supported by prominent allies, she organized a New York branch of the North American Civic
League, a Boston-based, business-rostered outfit intended to protect the national status quo from
various foreign menaces. Under her direction, the New York branch developed its own program.
It isn't clear how much of the Boston agenda they carried on — it had mainly involved sending
agents into immigrant communities to act as industrial spies and to lead anti-strike
movements — but in any case, by 1914 Kellor' s group was writing its own menu.
It opened by demanding centralized federal action: Americanization was failing "without a
national goal." Her new "Committee for Immigrants in America" thereafter proclaimed itself the
central clearinghouse to unify all public and private agencies in a national spearhead to "make all
these people one nation." When government failed to come up with money for a bureau, Miss
Kellor's own backers — who included Mrs. Averill Harriman and Felix Warburg, the Rothschild
banker — did just that, and this private entity was duly incorporated into the government of the
United States! "The Division of Immigrant Education," while officially federal, was in fact the
subsidized creation of Frances Kellor's private lobby. Immigrant education meant public school
education, for it was to compulsion schooling the children of immigration were consigned, and
immigrant children, in a reversal of traditional roles, became the teachers of their immigrant
parents, thus ruining their families by trivializing them.
When WWI began, Americanization took over as the great national popular crusade. A drive for
national conformity pushed itself dramatically to the forefront of the public agenda. Kellor and her
colleagues swiftly enlisted cooperation from mayors, school authorities, churches, and civic
groups; prepared data for speakers; distributed suggested agenda and programs, buttons, and
posters; and lectured in schools. When Fourth of July 1915 arrived, 107 cities celebrated it as
"Americanization Day," and the country resounded with the committee's slogan "Many Peoples,
but One Nation."
Now Kellor's organization transmuted itself into "The National Americanization Committee,"
shifting its emphasis from education to the breaking of immigrant ties to the Old World. Its former
slogan, "Many Peoples, But One Nation," was replaced with a blunt "America First." In this
transformation, children became the sharpest weapon directed at their parents' home culture.
Kellor called Americanization "the civilian side of national defense." She appeared before a group
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of industrialists and bankers calling itself the National Security League to warn of coming peril
from subversion on the part of immigrants. One of the most distressing anomalies confronting
Kellor and the NSL was an almost total lack of publicizable sabotage incidents on the domestic
front in WWI, which made it difficult to maintain the desired national mood of fear and anger.
9 There is some evidence American social engineering was being studied abroad. Zamiatin's We, the horrifying
scientific dystopia of a world government bearing the name "The United State," was published in Russia a few years
later as if in anticipation of an American future for everyone.
High-Pressure Salesmanship
In 1916, the year of Madison Grant's Passing of the Great Race, Kellor published Straight
America. In it she called for universal military service, industrial mobilization, a continuing
military build-up, precisely engineered school curricula, and total Americanization, an urgent
package to revitalize nationalism. America was not yet at war.
President Wilson was at that time reading secret surveys which told him Americans had no
interest in becoming involved in the European conflict. Furthermore, national sympathy was
swinging away from the English and actually favored German victory against Britain. There was
no time to waste; the war had to be joined at once. John Higham called it "an adventure in high
pressure salesmanship."
Thousands of agencies were in some measure engaged: schools, churches,
fraternal orders, patriotic societies, civic organizations, chambers of commerce,
philanthropies, railroads, and industries, and — to a limited degree — trade
unions. There was much duplication, overlapping, and pawing of the air. Many
harassed their local school superintendents.
At the end of 1917, Minnesota's legislature approved the world's first secret adoption law,
sealing original birth records forever so that worthy families who received a child for
adoption — almost always children transferred from an immigrant family of Latin/Slav/ Alpine
peasant stripe to a family of northern European origins — would not have to fear the original
parents demanding their child back. The original Boston adoption law of 1848 had been given
horrendous loopholes. Now these were sealed sixty-nine years later.
Toward the end of the war, a striking event, much feared since the Communist revolutions of
1848, came to pass. The huge European state of Russia fell to a socialist revolution. It was as if
Russian immigrants in our midst had driven a knife into our national heart and, by extension, that
all immigrants had conspired in the crime. Had all our civilizing efforts been wasted? Now
Americanization moved into a terrifying phase in response to this perceived threat from outside.
The nation was to be purified before a red shadow arose here, too. Frances Kellor began to
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actively seek assistance from business groups to build what she called "the new interventionist
republic of America." (emphasis added)
At an unpublicized dinner meeting at Sherry's Restaurant near Wall Street in November 1918,
Frances Kellor addressed the fifty largest employers of foreign labor, warning them that
Americanization had been a failure — that really dangerous times were ahead with Bolshevik
menace concealed in every workplace. Kellor proposed a partnership of business and social work
to "break up the nationalistic, racial groups." The easiest way to do that was to weaken close
family life. Miss Kellor, whose upbringing had itself been an ambiguous one, was the perfect
person to lead such a charge.
At the Wall Street meeting, plans were laid for a semi-secret organization of Americanizers to be
formed out of interested volunteers from major industrial corporations. An impressive amount of
money was pledged at the initial meeting, the story of which you can follow in John Higham's
classic account of our immigration years, Strangers in the Land. "The Inter-Racial Council"
presented the external aspect of an eclectic public-spirited enterprise — it even recruited some
conservative immigrant representatives as members — but, in fact, it was controlled by Kellor's
backers.
The IRC acted both as intelligence gathering office and propaganda agency. In its first year of
existence, Kellor put together an association of advertisers to strong-arm the immigrant press into
running anti-radical propaganda. Using this muscle, immigrants could be instructed from far away
how to think and what to think about, while remaining unaware of the source of instruction
because immediate pressure came from a familiar editor. Advertising revenue could be advanced,
as well as withdrawn, providing both carrot and stick, the complete behavioral formula.
1 There is some evidence American social engineering was being studied abroad. Zamiatin's We, the horrifying
scientific dystopia of a world government bearing the name "The United State," was published in Russia a few years
later as if in anticipation of an American future for everyone.
A New Collectivism
By 1919 a deluge of state legislation appeared, specifically designed to counteract rampant
Bolshevism Idaho and Utah established criminal penalties for failure to attend Americanization
classes. Fifteen states ordered English to be the only language of instruction in all schools, public
and private. Nebraska demanded that all meetings be conducted in English. Oregon required every
foreign language publication to display prominently a literal English translation of its entire
contents. In 1922, Oregon outlawed private schools for elementary school children, a decision
reversed by the Supreme Court later in the Pierce vs. Society of Sisters case (1925).
At the same time, or just a bit later, a new biology began to emerge — a molecular vision of life
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under the direction of the Rockefeller Foundation, a vision in which scientific interventions could
and should be used deliberately, by the best people, to control biological and social evolution.
With Rockefeller as a principal engine, the shared social view of corporate thinkers was
comprehensively imposed, bit by bit, on academic science. Elite universities, with Caltech as
leader, became sites for implementation of the Rockefeller project. It was, in the words of Lily
Kay in (The Molecular Vision of Life), "a potent convergence of social agendas and scientists'
ambitions."
Eugenic goals played a significant role in conception and design of the new Rockefeller biology,
to such a point that open discussion of purposes had eventually to be kept under wraps as a
political liability, particularly when the great dictators of Europe appeared to be taking some of
their cues from America. Molecular biology promised a politically safer, and even a more certain
path to an eventual utopia of social planning by elites, and one now properly "scientific,"
completely free of the embarrassing candor of eugenic selection.
The experience of these times gave reformers a grand taste for blood. Government intervention
everywhere was proclaimed the antidote for dissent. Intervention took many unexpected shapes.
For instance, the "Athlete's Americanization League" agitated intensely to provide free sports
equipment for every public school with its battle cry: "Sports are the logical antidote for unrest."
By the time national passion cooled, in every nook and cranny of American life new social
organizations with powerful government or private sponsorship flourished. All fed on intervention
into families for their nourishment, all clamored to grow larger, all schemed to produce political
testimony of their value. A new republic was here at last, just as Herbert Croly 10 had announced,
and government school was to be its church.
10 The new republic we were driving toward, according to Croly, bore little resemblance to either a republic or a
democracy. It was to be an apolitical universe, a new Utopia of engineers and skilled administrators, hinted at by
Bellamy, spun out further by Veblen in The Engineers and the Price System, and The Theory of Business
Enterprise. A federal union of worldwide scope was the target, a peculiar kind of union of the sort specified in Cecil
Rhodes' last wills, which established the Rhodes Scholarships as a means to that end. Politics was outdated as a
governing device. Whatever appearances of an earlier democratic republic were allowed to survive, administrators
would actually rule. A mechanism would have to be created whereby administrators could be taught the new reality
discreetly so that continuity and progress could be assured. De Tocqueville's nightmare of an endlessly articulating,
self-perpetuating bureaucracy had finally come to life. It was still in its infancy, but every sign pointed to a lusty
future.
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Chapter 12
Daughters of the Barons of Runnemede
Membership Requirements
Membership in the Society is composed of women who are of legal age and he
lineal descendant of one or more of the twenty-five Barons, selected to
enforce the Magna Carta, those Barons in arms from the date of King John 's
Coronation until June 15, 1215. Membership is by invitation only. Within the
Society there is an Order of Distinction Committee composed of members who
trace their ancestry to Knights of the Garter, Ladies of the Garter and Knights
of the Bath.
— Charter, Daughters of the Barons of Runnemede
A Scientifically Humane Future
In the founding decades of American forced schooling, Rockefeller's General Education Board
and Carnegie's foundation spent more money on schools than the national government did. What
can a fact like that mean? Because they possessed a coherent perspective, had funds to apply to
command the energies of the ambitious, possessed a national network of practical men of affairs,
and at the same time could tap a pool of academic knowledge about the management of
populations held in the universities they endowed, these and a small handful of men like them
commanded decisive influence on forced schooling. Other influences had importance, too, but
none more than this commitment of a scientifically benevolent American ruling class whose
oversight of the economy and other aspects of living was deemed proper because of its
evolutionary merit by the findings of modern science. The burden of this chapter is to show how a
national upper class came about, what was on its mind, and how schools were the natural vehicle
it mounted to ride into a scientifically humane, thoroughly Utopian future.
Exclusive Heredity
At the end of the nineteenth century, an explosion in the creation of exclusive hereditary societies
took place which couldn't have been predicted from the course of the American past. These
peculiar clubs constituted the most flagrant leading edge of a broad-based movement to erect
nothing less than a coherent national upper class whose boundary was drawn in bloodlines. This
might be better understood as an early manifestation of the genetically charged environment of
American life at the advent of the twenty-first century. This social enclosure movement produced
orthodox factory schooling for the masses as one of its very first policy thrusts. It produced the
licensing phenomenon which echoed the traditional right of English kings to confer a living on
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some loyal subjects by reserving good things for them which are denied to others. We have been
wrestling with many other aspects of class- and caste-based government and society ever since we
came out of this period.
Evidence that this movement was organized to concentrate power within a Brahmin caste stratum
is caught by the sudden ostracism of Jews from the ranks of America's leading social clubs in the
decade and a half directly following Herbert Spencer's visit to America. This was far from
business as usual. Jesse Seligman, a founder of New York's Union League Club, was forced to
resign in 1893 when his son was blackballed by the membership committee. Joseph Gratz,
president of the exclusive Philadelphia Club during the Civil War, lived to see the rest of his own
family later shunned from the same place. The Westmoreland in Richmond boasted a Jewish
president in the 1870s, but soon afterwards began a policy of rigid exclusion; The University Club
of Cincinnati broke up in 1896 over admission of a Jewish member. The point is whatever was
wrong with Jews now hadn't been wrong earlier. Who was giving the orders to freeze out the
Jews? And why?
The striking change of attitude toward Jews displayed by Bostonian blue blood and author Henry
Adams is a clue to where the commands might have originated, since the Adams family can be
presumed to have been beyond easy intimidation or facile persuasion. Adams' 1890 novel
Democracy illustrated the author's lifelong acceptance of Jews. Democracy featured Jewish
characters as members of Washington society with no ethnic stigma even hinted at. In 750
intimate letters of Adams from 1858 through 1896, the designation "Jew" never even occurs.
Suddenly it shows up in 1896. Thirty-eight years of correspondence without one invidious
reference to Jews was followed by twenty-two years with many. After 1 896 Adams seemed to
lose his faith entirely in the Unitarian tradition, becoming, then, a follower of Darwin and Spencer,
a believer in privileged heredities and races. H.G. Wells' The Future in America (1906) called
attention to the transformation the English writer witnessed on a visit to this country: "The older
American population," said Wells, "is being floated up on the top of this immigrant influx, a sterile
aristocracy above a racially different and astonishingly fecund proletariat...." That fecundity and
that racial difference dictated that a second American Revolution would be fought silently from
the Atlantic to the Pacific about a century ago, this time a revolution in which British class-based
episcopal politics emerged victorious after a century and a quarter of rejection.
Divinely Appointed Intelligence
All through the British colonial history of America, the managerial class of these colonies was
drawn from Church of England gentry and aristocrats. As you might expect, this leadership shared
the British state church's creative distaste toward education — for the underclasses. And
underclass then was a term for which the customary narrow modern usage is quite unsuitable.
Every class not included in the leadership cadre was an underclass. The eye-topped pyramid on
the back of our one-dollar bill catches the idea of such an episcopate beautifully: divinely
appointed intelligence ruling the blind stones beneath.
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The episcopal rule of British America is well enough documented, yet it remains largely
unremarked how many revolutionary leaders were still communicants of the Church of
England — Russell Kirk estimated twenty-nine of the fifty-five delegates attending the
Constitutional Convention of 1787. They may have been willing to push the mother country away,
but their own attitude toward popular sovereignty was ambivalent. Little-known even today is the
long private effort of Ben Franklin to induce British royal government to displace the Quaker
Penns of Pennsylvania and take command of the state. Between 1755 and 1768, Franklin labored
mightily at this, reluctantly abandoning his dream and jumping ship to the revolutionary
conspirators just in time to save his own position. 1 After Braddock's defeat, Franklin joined forces
with the influential Anglican priest William Smith in a venture they called "The Society for
Propagating Christian Knowledge among Germans settled in Pennsylvania." This association, a
harbinger of government schools to come, had nothing much to do with reading and counting, but
everything to do with socializing German children as English.
Braddock's defeat on the Monongahela was the straw that tipped America's influential Quakers
into the Anglican camp; it joined two influential, socially exclusionary sects in bonds of mutual
assistance. When the great explosion of elite private boarding academies took place in the
late-nineteenth-century period when hereditarian societies were also forming (and for the same
purpose), Episcopalian schools made up half the total of such schools, a fraction many times
greater than their denominational share of population would have warranted. They still do. And
Quakers, at present just 1/2,600 of the American population (.04 percent), control 5 percent of
the inner circle of elite private boarding schools (many elite day schools, as well). This constitutes
125 times more participation than bare Quaker numbers would seem to warrant! A managerial
class was circling the wagons, protecting its own children from the epic social conditioning yet to
come, and perhaps from the biological menace Darwin and Galton had warned about.
1 As little known as Ben's skullduggery is the fact that his only son was the Royal Governor of
New Jersey, a loyal Church of England man who fled to England during the war and never spoke
to his father again (until Franklin's life was nearly over) because of gentle Ben's treachery. Even
then the breach between father and son could not be healed.
The Paxton Boys
How the decisive collaboration in which Quaker men of wealth felt driven by circumstance to
seek protection from the Established Church of England happened in the months after Braddock's
army was cut to pieces on October 16, 1755, is a fascinating story. The western frontier of
colonial America promptly exploded, after the British defeat. Delawares and Shawnees attacked
across western Pennsylvania, burning all forts except Pitt. By November they were across the
mountains and the Susquehanna, and in January the whole frontier collapsed. Settlers fled, many
running on until they reached Philadelphia, "almost crazy with anxiety." Scots-Irish Presbyterians
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on the Monongahela blamed their trouble on rich Philadelphia Quakers controlling the legislature
who had prevented levies for frontier defense.
An unauthorized Presbyterian militia hastily assembled, the notorious Paxton Boys, whose
columns proceeded to march on Philadelphia! I can hardly do justice here to that lively time,
except to remind you that Pennsylvania to this day is divided East/West. The net upshot of
Braddock's fatal hauteur was to send Scots-Irish Presbyterians on the warpath against Quakers
and to drive important Quaker interests into Tory arms for protection from their fellow
Pennsylvanians.
Thus at the very moment British authority and rigid class attitudes came into question for many
Americans, conservative Quakers, conspicuously wealthy and in control of the mainstream press,
became its quiet proponents. "I could wish," said Thomas Wharton (for whose Quaker family the
business school is named at Penn), "to see that Religion [Anglicanism] bear the Reins of
Government throughout the Continent." In the exact decade when Americans were growing most
fearful of the rise of an American civil episcopate, these Friends "cheered the news of the growth
of Anglicanism," according to Jack Marietta, the Quaker historian. So the dormant seeds for a
delayed Anglican revival were buried in Pennsylvania/New Jersey/Delaware soil right from our
national beginnings. And Philadelphia
Soldiers For Their Class
These buried seeds sent up no more than stunted shoots until the late nineteenth century, when
skillfully induced mass immigration — cheap Catholic labor by the boatload — triggered a perceived
need for emergency social action on an Anglican model. At that moment, casting about for a
blueprint of order in the disturbing period of mass immigration, the new industrial and commercial
elites discarded existing American models: the tentative intellectual meritocracy of the Unitarians,
the rude nepotism of the Presbyterians, the libertarian democracy of the General Baptists, the
proud communitarianism of Congregationalists and Quakers, the religiously centered communities
of the pietists; all had to give way since all were both local and particular forms. None could
accommodate a general habit of rule from afar very well. None was able to maintain tight enough
class discipline. Congregationalists were closest to this ideal, but even they had radically
weakened their own theological discipline with the Half-Way Covenant and then thoroughly
liberalized themselves in the Second Great Awakening after 1795. None of these forms would do
as a universal blueprint of stable government.
Only one acceptable discipline had for centuries proven itself under fire, able to bend diverse,
distant, and hostile peoples to its organization, and that was the Anglican Communion. In India,
Africa, Asia, Canada, wherever the British flag flew, it had been capable of the hard decisions
necessary to maintain a subordinated order and protect the privileges which accrue to those who
manage the subordinate classes.
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Peter Cookson and Caroline Persell cast a great deal of light on the Anglican temper in their book
Preparing For Power: America's Elite Boarding Schools, particularly the turn-of-the-century
period, which saw the creation of almost all of the 289 boarding schools that matter:
The difference between a public school and an elite private school is, in one
sense, the difference between factory and club. Public schools are evaluated on
how good a product they turn out, and the measure of quality control is
inevitably an achievement score of some kind.. ..[but] to compare public and
private schools in terms of output really misses the point. 2
Cookson and Persell, searching for reasons to explain the need for total institutions to train the
young, concluded: "The shared ordeal of the prep rites of passage create bonds of loyalty that
differences in background cannot unravel."
Collective identity forged in prep schools becomes the basis of upper-class solidarity and
consciousness, but sharing alone will not preserve or enhance a class's interest. As a group,
members must be willing to exercise their power:
The preservation of privilege requires the exercise of power, and those who exercise it cannot be
too squeamish about the injuries that any ensuing conflict imposes on the losers.... The founders of
the schools recognized that unless their sons and grandsons were willing to take up the struggle
for the preservation of their class interests, privilege would slip from the hands of the elite and
eventually power would pass to either a competing elite or to a rising underclass.
Private school students are enlisted as soldiers for their class, like Viking rowers, tough, loyal to
each other, "ready to take command without self-doubt." Cookson and Persell say currently,
"Boarding schools were not founded to produce Hamlets, but Dukes of Wellington. The whole
point of status seminaries is the destruction of innocence... not its preservation."
I hope this illuminates those esoteric membership requirements of the Daughters a bit. Whatever
your personal outlook on such matters, you need to take seriously the creation of over a hundred
new hereditary associations, associations with all the birthmarks of secret societies, which
gestated and came to term in the decades froml870 to 1900 (or just outside that narrow
compass), each designed that it might in a perfectly orderly, fair way, free of any emotional bias,
exclude all unwanted breeding stock by the application of hereditary screening and at the same
time concentrate biological and social excellence. In the same time frame, five of the Seven
Sisters — the female Ivy League — opened their doors for the first time, concentrating the future
motherhood of a new race for its class inoculation.
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2 The inner ring of these schools, which sets the standard for the rest, includes these eighteen: Groton, St. Paul's,
Deerfield, Gunnery, Choate, Middlesex, Lawrenceville, Hotchkiss, St. George's, Kent, Hill, Episcopal High (not
Episcopal Prep!), Andover, Exeter, Culver Military, Milton Academy, St. Marks, Woodberry Forest, and perhaps one
or two more. About 52 percent of the elite boarding schools are connected with the Episcopal Church and 5 percent
with the Quaker faith.
Organizing Caste
In Darwin's second important book, The Descent of Man, the fate in store for those liberal
societies which allow mongrelization of the racial stock was made clear. They would fall prey to
the ruthlessly evenhanded workings of evolution and devolve through reversion. The lesson of
Descent was not lost on Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, or San Francisco. In one brief
instant the rationale for a caste system was born and accepted. No merit system ever after could
seriously breach the hereditarian barrier any more than it could budge the "scientific" bell-curve
barrier. A biological basis for morality had been established.
One of the hundred new hereditarian societies (all survive, by the way) was "The Aztec Club of
1847," cherishing those who participated in the Mexican War as commissioned officers, and their
descendants. The Aztec Club actually anticipated the intense hereditarian period by a few years
and so maybe considered a pioneer. Had you been an Aztec at the founding dinner in 1880, you
would have been at a table with President Grant and Jefferson Davis, as well as a fraternity of
names engraved in legend. Presidents Taylor and Pierce and Generals Lee and Pickett were dead,
or they would have been there, too. The Aztec Club of 1 847. Not a single public schoolteacher of
the nearly 3 million in the United States has ever been on its rolls, I'm told. Are we in the
presence here of some higher truth?
The Society of California Pioneers was another of these new hereditarian bodies which came to
exist in the narrow zone of time just before effective mass compulsion schooling. This particular
society celebrates "those memorable pioneers whose enterprise induced them to become the
founders of a new State." I don't think you ought to summon up a mental picture of some
grizzled prospector to fit that enterprise. Leland Stanford's family better fits the bill.
Here is a baker's dozen of other outfits to allow you to see more clearly the outlines of the new
society rising like an English phoenix out of the ashes of our democratic republic:
The Order of Americans of Armorial Ancestry
The Society of Mayflower Descendants
The Society of Americans of Royal Descent
The Daughters of the Utah Pioneers
The Women Descendants of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery
The Order of the First Families of Virginia
The Order of the Crown of Charlemagne
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The Order of the Three Crusades, 1096-1192
The Descendants of Colonial Governors
The Society of the Cincinnati
The Society of Founders of Norwich, Connecticut
The Swedish American Colonial Society
The Descendants of Colonial Clergy
The popular leviathans of this confederation of special blood were the National Society of the
Sons of the American Revolution, which enrolled eleven of the next twelve presidents as members
(Nixon was eligible but declined), and its sister society, the D.A.R.
The yeast of Latin, Slavic, and Celtic immigration falling on the dough of Darwinism provoked
the great families of the United States into building a ruling caste with a shared common agenda, a
program for national and international development, and a schedule of social regulations to be
imposed gradually on the future. If you can't deduce that program for yourself as it employs mass
schooling, you might wish to write the Society of the Cincinnati for enlightenment. The sudden
appearance of these associations, excluding from membership all non-Aryan immigrants, provides
us with a sign this new caste had consciousness of itself as a caste. Otherwise, development would
have been more gradual. It marks a great dividing line in American history. As the hereditarian
wave rolled up the beach, even you could have designed the schools it was going to need.
One thing missing from the Utopia of diverse hereditarian groups which were gathering — the
scientific racists, the private clubs, schools, churches, neighborhoods, secret societies like Bones
at Yale or Ivy at Princeton, special universities which served as a later stage in the elite
recruitment and production cycle, 3 etc. — was a grand secular myth. Something less creepy than a
naked assertion of successful protoplasm climbing up biological ladders out of the primordial
slime was necessary to inspire the exclusive new establishment that was forming. Some stirring
transcendental story to complete the capture and inspiration of the ruling-class mind.
Such a thing had to be found and it was. The creation myth of American caste would appear
unexpectedly in the form of an ancient language uniting the powerful classes of the United States
into a romantic band of spiritual brothers, a story to which we turn next.
3 Earlier I gave you a list of the inner-circle private boarding schools, the central ones of the 289 thatmatter most in
the calculus of class. This seems as good a time as any to give you an inner circle of American colleges and
universities. The sanctum of social power is found at these schools: Princeton, Brown, Harvard, Yale, Dartmouth,
Georgetown, Duke, Cornell, Stanford, University of Virginia, University of Michigan, University of California
(Berkeley), University of North Carolina (Chapel Hill), Columbia, University of Pennsylvania, Vanderbilt, Williams,
Amherst, Colgate, and a tie between Boston College and Boston University. There are other knots of power, but if
training of national leadership is the relevant issue, not the training of minds willing to serve as instruments of a
national leadership, then the twenty I've taken are the heart of the heart of caste in America, much as the
Monongahela Valley was the heart of the heart of libertarian America.
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Your Family Tree
In 1896, Latin and Slavic immigration exceeded in body count for the first time the numbers
arriving from the ancient lands of the Anglo-Saxons. In certain circles that was deemed a
catastrophe second only to the Deluge. This moment had been anticipated for years, of course,
and protections for good blood, or "the gene pool" as some preferred to call it, were popping like
corn in the form of exclusionary associations you've seen and others like them. This was
defensive. But other implements of war were being fashioned, weapons of offensive capability,
social engines like modern factory schools, standing armies, social work empires designed to
remake incoming aliens into shapes more agreeable to the spirit of the "Great Race," a term I'll
explain in a moment. This machinery was grinding out "Americanized" Americans by 1913, just
sixty-two years after the Know-Nothing Party of Massachusetts invented the term.
New hereditary societies took a leading hand in Americanization. So did important monied
interests. Chicago financial power got the Children's Court idea rolling at the beginning of the
twentieth century, just as Boston railroad, mining, and real estate interests had initiated the
compulsion school idea in the nineteenth. The Children's Court institution was nationalized
rapidly, a most effective intimidation to use against uncooperative immigrants. Such courts soon
displayed a valuable second side, supplying children to the childless of the politically
better-connected sort with few questions asked. The similarity of this transfer function to the
historic "Baby Trains" of Charles Loring Brace's "Children's Aid Society" fifty years earlier
wasn't lost on the new breed of social engineer graduating from the right colleges in 1900.
These new activist graduates, trained in the Chicago school of sociology and its anthropological
variants by Ross, Cooley, Boas, and other seminal figures, had little sentimentality about
individual destinies or family sovereignty either. All thought in terms of the collective
improvement of society by long-range evolution. In the short run all were environmental
determinists who believed protoplasm was wonderfully malleable, if not entirely empty.
In 1898 the D.A.R., best known of all hereditarian societies, began issuing scientifically designed
propaganda lectures on American history and government. By 1904, the Society of Colonial
Dames was preparing school curriculum. In the same year, the Sons of the American Revolution
distributed millions of pieces of historical interpretation to schools, all paid for by the U.S.
Department of Commerce. The Social Register, founded 1887, quickly became a useful index for
the new associational aristocracy, bearing witness to those who could be trusted with the exciting
work underway. Tiffany's started a genealogy department in 1875 to catch the first business from
elites made edgy by The Descent of Man and, as the century ended, genealogical reference
books — the Gore Roll, Boston's American Armoury and Blue Book, and more — came tumbling
off the assembly line to assist Anglo-Saxons in finding each other.
As late as 1 929, even with Mein Kampf in bookstalls telling the story of Aryans past and present,
David Starr Jordan, president of Stanford, published his own guide to good blood, Your Family
Tree. It provided in painstaking detail the descent of America's new industrial aristocracy, from
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monarchs of great Aryan houses. Abe Lincoln, Grover Cleveland, and John D. Rockefeller, said
Jordan, came out of the house of Henry I of France; Ulysses S. Grant was in a line from William
the Conqueror; Coolidge and Shakespeare descended from Charlemagne. William Howard Taft,
J.P. Morgan, and Jordan himself from King David of Scotland! So it went. 4 Was this all just
simple amusement or did the game have some implications for the rest of us not so blue-blooded?
Who were these fabulous Aryans the scholars were talking about? What was this "Great Race"?
The answers were to prove both fabulous and chilling.
4 The Crane plumbing family rejected the coat of arms suggested for them, a hand gripping the handle of a toilet
chain with the motto "Apres moi le deluge."
The Fatal Sound Shift
During the sixteenth century, a studious Italian merchant living in India pointed out to his wealthy
friends some striking similarities between ancient Sanskrit and Italian: deva/dio for God,
sarpa/serpe for snake, etc. All the Sanskrit numbers seemed related to the numbers of Italian.
What could this mean? This early intuition came and went without much of a stir.
Then in 1786, during the early British occupation of India, the subject was addressed anew. In his
speech to the Bengal- Oriental Society that year, Sir William Jones announced he believed a family
connection existed between Sanskrit and English. It was tantamount to the University of Rome
splitting the atom. Sir William declared Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit sprang "from some common
source which perhaps no longer exists." Among English and Sanskrit he showed evidence for "a
stronger affinity than could possibly have been produced by accident."
What common source might be the parent of Western civilization? Jones could not say, but only
thirteen years later Sharon Turner's two-volume work, The History of the Anglo-Saxons, claimed
to provide clues. There, replete with thousands of illustrations, was a record of Angles, Saxons,
and Jutes out of ancient Germania as it had been preserved in song and story, Beowulf raised to a
haunting power. Hundreds of cognates between modern English custom and ancient prototypes
had been tracked by Turner; there seemed to be a stirring continuity between what Tacitus said
about Germania and what upper-class English/ American eyes saw when they looked into their
modern mirrors.
The favorite occupations in antiquity were war, the chase, rough and tumble sports, wenching,
and drinking, not unlike the preferences of contemporary Englishmen. When not thus engaged,
men often lay idly about leaving all work for women to do. Gambling was common and every free
man was expected to bear arms. Could the English be the mighty Aryans of prehistory?
In 1808, Karl Wilhelm Frederick von Schlegel, founder and editor of the Athenaeum, chief voice
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of German romanticism, wrote a scientific study of Sanskrit which maintained that the languages
of India, Persia, Greece, Germany, Italy, and England were connected by common descent from
an extinct tongue. Schlegel proposed the name Indo-Germanic for the vanished dialect. We are
forced, he said, to believe all these widely separate nations are descendants of a single primitive
people's influence. Oddly enough, Schlegel learned Sanskrit himself at the hands of Alexander
Hamilton, his close friend and a close friend to the Prussian government. Schlegel was highly
esteemed by both Hamilton and the Prussia regime.
To put yourself in touch with this exciting moment in recent history requires only a visit to a
neighborhood library. The language and customs of this ancient Aryan people are caught in Vedic
literature — the story of an invading people who forced themselves on the Indian subcontinent. As
Americans had forced themselves on North American natives, a resonant parallel. Aryan literature
was exclusively a literature of battle and unyielding hostility, the Vedas stirring hymns of a people
surrounded by strangers alien in race and religion.
There could be no peace with such strangers; their destruction was a duty owed to God Full of
vigor, the Vedas breathe the attitudes of an invading race bent on conquest, a cultural prescription
with which to meet the challenges of modern times. If only a way could be found to link this
warrior people with the elites of England and America.
In 1816, the brilliant young Danish scholar Rasmus Rask not only accepted the relationship of
Germanic, Hellenic, Italic, Baltic, and Indo-Iranian, but went further and found the missing
connection. Rask had seen something no one else had noticed: between some Germanic streams
of language and the others a regular sound-shift had occurred transforming the sounds of B, D,
and G into those of P, T, and K. It meant an absolute identification could be established between
England and ancient Germania. Rask wasn't prominent enough to promote this theory very far,
but the man who stole it from him was — Jacob Grimm of fairy-tale fame. In the second edition of
Deutsche Grammatik (1822), Grimm claimed the sound shift discovery which to this day is called
"Grimm's Law." Salons on both sides of the Atlantic buzzed with the exciting news.
Our Manifest Destiny
Now the Aryans became the Anglo-Saxons. Endings in Sanskrit, Persian, Greek, Latin, and
Germanic showed how these people had moved across the world, said another German
researcher, Franz Bopp. By 1820, a Gothic vogue was afoot. Even the bare possibility that some
of us were offspring of a powerful race out of prehistory inspired enthusiasm, giving credence to
the old Puritan notion of "Election," that America had a divine destiny as a people. This incredible
Aryan drama, like the notion of evolution a few decades later with which it should be seen in
collegial relation, almost instantly began to embody itself in more practical affairs of life.
To New York State University regent John O'Sullivan, Grimm's tale was the long-awaited
scientific proof of an American destiny, a Manifest Destiny, as he and innumerable voices that
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followed were to call it:
The right of our manifest destiny is to overspread and to possess the whole of
the continent which Providence has given up for the great experiment.
In 1851, as Moby-Dick was coming off the press with its parable of Ahab, a year after The Scarlet
Letter had plumbed the secrets of Puritan society, regent O' Sullivan personally equipped a war
vessel for an attack on Cuba. O'Sullivan's Cleopatra was seized in New York harbor as she
weighed anchor, disgorging several hundred armed Hungarian and German cutthroats, "Kossuth
sympathizers," as the press mistakenly called them. Indeed, the scheme to "liberate" Hungary,
nominally under Hungarian aristocrat Lajos Kossuth, had been hatched by the same Zeitgeist and
in the same place, New York City. Charged with violating the Neutrality Act of 1818, O' Sullivan
beat the rap. Cuba was safe for another forty-seven years until the battleship Maine blew up
mysteriously in Havana harbor.
Buried in the indestructible heart of this imported Aryan linguistic romance was ample
justification for a national charter of bold expansionism. In spite of the fact that much of the
American nation was empty still, it provided an inspiration to empire, as O'Sullivan's abortive
sortie demonstrated, a racial mandate to enlarge areas of American influence, just as Aryans once
had conquered as far as ambition could carry them. Race was the font of our national greatness.
But how to preserve the Great Race from miscegenation? It was a question asked long before
Darwin lent the query the authority of official science.
The Lost Tribes
As the exciting intelligence from Germany traveled through America, it encountered resistance,
for America was a region where class lines were still elastic, based on accomplishment and
worldly success, not upon guarantees cemented in blood. Yet the tide was mnning toward a
different form of reckoning. Horace Bushnell, famous Congregationalist pastor of Hartford
(where the city park is named for him) thundered from his pulpit in 1837 that noble Anglo-Saxon
blood must be preserved against pollution. By 1843, the big book in Unitarian Boston was The
Goths in New- England. German schooling seemed right for us because we were Germans!
Germany held answers for the grandchildren of Englishmen, who had been Germans long ago.
In 1 848, at the height of the Irish Catholic menace, The American Whig Review published "The
Anglo-Saxon Race." That same year The North American Review responded with "The
Anglo-Saxon Race." Now the Whig Review stirred the pot with its own spoon, "The
Anglo-Saxons and the Americans." Interest in the topic wouldn't quit, perhaps because The
Origin of Species finally placed consideration of racial matters in public attention. Racial fervor
was still at white heat in 1875 when a popular book, The Anglo-Saxon Race: Its History,
Character and Destiny, traveled with Chautauqua to every corner of the nation.
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The writings of William Henry Poole showed the Saxon race to be the lost tribes of Israel! To this
day, most American Jews are unaware that a number of old-family Anglo-Saxons still consider
themselves to be the real Jews — and the nominal Jews impostors! Between 1833 and 1852 Franz
Bopp published book after book of his spectacular multivolume work Comparative Grammar,
which drove any lingering skeptics to cover. The Aryans were real. Case closed.
Whatever guardian spirit watches over such things assigned to Sir Henry James Sumner Maine,
English comparative jurist and historian, the task of presenting Aryan tribal character and tying it
to contemporary Anglo-Saxons. Maine graduated from Cambridge in 1844 with the reputation of
being the most brilliant classical scholar of all time — Michael Jordan of legal history. His Ancient
Law (1861) earned him a world-class reputation in one stroke. In a series of magnificent literary
studies which followed, he brought to life the ancient world of Germania with singular felicity and
power. Anglo-Saxons and Aryans lived again as one people.
In the crucial year which saw Darwin's Descent of Man published, Maine's spectacular Village
Communities in the East and West showed the world the rough-hewn genius of the primitive
Anglo-Saxon world. Maine reiterated his contention that stranger-adoption was among the critical
discoveries which led to Anglo-Saxon greatness. This message fell on particularly fertile ground in
a New England whose soil had been prepared for this exact message by centuries of reading The
New England Primer, with its grim warning that children are only loaned to their parents.
And what a message Maine carried — society thrived when children were detached from their own
parents and cultures! It was a potent foundation on which to set the institution of forced
schooling. Appearing shortly after the radical Massachusetts adoption law intended to disassemble
Irish immigrant families, Maine silenced the new institution's critics, paving the way for eventual
resignation to long-term school incarceration, too:
The part played by the legal fiction of adoption in the constitution of primitive
society and the civilization of the race is so important that Sir Henry Sumner
Maine, in his Ancient Law, expresses the opinion that, had it never existed, the
primitive groups of mankind could not have coalesced except on terms of
absolute superiority on the one side, and absolute subjection on the other. With
the institution of adoption, however, one people might feign itself as descended
from the same stock as the people to whose sacra gentilica it was admitted....
{Encyclopedia Britannica, 1 1th ed., "Adoption")
In a grand stroke, Sir Henry provided enlightened justification for every form of synthetic
parenting social engineers could concoct, including the most important, mass forced schooling.
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Unpopular Government
Maine built a stronger case in each successive book, Early History of Institutions (1875) and
Early Law and Custom (1883). His magnificent tour de force, Popular Government (1885),
smashed the very basis for popular democracy. After Maine, only a fool could believe
no n- Anglo- Saxon groups should participate as equals in important decision-making. At the same
time, Maine's forceful dismissal of the fundamental equality of ordinary or different peoples was
confirmed by the academic science of evolution and by commercial and manufacturing interests
eager to collapse smaller enterprises into large ones. Maine's regal pronouncements were
supported by mainstream urban Protestant churches and by established middle classes.
Democratic America had been given its death sentence.
Sir Henry's work became a favorite text for sermons, lectures, Chautauqua magazine journalism
and for the conversation of the best people. His effect is reflected symbolically in a resolution
from the Scranton Board of Trade of all places, which characterized immigrants as:
The most ignorant and vicious of European populations, including necessarily a
vast number of the criminal class; people who come here not to become good
citizens, but to prey upon our people and our industries; a class utterly without
character and incapable of understanding or appreciating our institutions, and
therefore a menace to our commonwealth.
Popular Government was deliberately unpopular in tone. There was no connection between
democracy and progress; the reverse was true. Maine's account of racial history was accepted
widely by the prosperous. It admirably complemented the torrent of scientifically mathematicized
racism pouring out of M.I.T., Harvard, Stanford, Yale, and virtually every bastion of high
academia right through the WWI period and even beyond. Scientific racism determined the shape
of government schooling in large measure, and still does.
Kinship Is Mythical
Aryans, said Maine, were not overly sentimental about children. They maintained the right to kill
or sell their children and carried this custom with them as they spread over the earth, almost up to
the outskirts of modern Beijing. These Great Ones had an intensely practical streak, tending to
extract from every association its maximum payoff.
This pragmatism led them to extend privileges of kinship to every association in which a good
chance of profit might lurk. This casual disregard of blood ties led to powerful alliances much
more adaptable to local circumstance than any pure blood- allegiance system could be, such as the
one the Japanese practice. In other words, Anglo-Saxons were prepared to call anyone "family"
for a price. Similarly, Anglo-Saxon ties to priests and gods were mostly ceremonial. All rules,
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ethics, and morals were kept flexible, relative to the needs of the moment. This lack of
commitment to much of anything except possessions allowed Aryans to overturn local ways in
which people held to principles and to local faith.
Pragmatism was an impressive and effective technological advance in politics, if not in morality.
In the science of society, the leadership reserved the right to lie, cheat, deceive, be generally
faithless wherever advantage presented itself, and not only to do these things to the enemy but to
one's own people if need be — a moral code well suited to a fast-moving warrior people. But a
price had to be paid. Over time, the idea of real kinship became more and more fictitious, family
life characterized as much by ritual and ceremony as love. And in many places, said Maine,
kinship, owing to mass adoption of children from conquered peoples, became mythical for whole
clans. Nobody was who they said they were or thought themselves to be.
It is surely one of the grim ironies of history that the root identity of American elites was
crystalizing at the turn of the century around blood relationships to a warrior people so indifferent
to blood relationships, they often had no idea who they really were. With Anglo-Saxons, the
abstract principle always counted for more than flesh and blood.
Once the character of the Aryans was known, there remained only the exciting task of establishing
the homeland, the ancient forge of these virile conquerors. The behavioral ideals they willed their
descendants — to impose upon lesser peoples — were written clearly enough on the chalkboards of
the new schooling. Total submission led the list. But giving the Aryans a birthplace (assuming it
was the right one) would complete the circle of triumph. To the elite mind, that job was over by
1880. The ancient ancestor could now be fixed by common agreement somewhere in the cold
North around the Baltic Sea. Some said Scandinavia. Some said North-Central Germany. But the
chief detectives holding the Anglo/American franchise on truth homed in on that zone between the
Elbe and the Oder Rivers, to the lands comprising the regions of modern Prussia!
The Machine Gun Builds Hotchkiss
The widow of the man who perfected the machine gun founded the Hotchkiss School; a Lowell
and a Forbes funded Middlesex; the DuPonts were the patrons of Kent; St. George's was
underwritten by the Brown family whose name graces Brown University; Choate looked to the
Mellon family for generous checks; J.P. Morgan was behind Groton. Over 90 percent of the great
American private boarding schools issued from that short period just after Herbert Spencer's
American visit in 1882 and just before the indirect edict to the National Education Association
that it must play ball with the de-intellectualization of public schooling, or it would be abandoned
by America's business leadership.
Elite private boarding schools were an important cornerstone in the foundation of a permanent
American upper class whose children were to be socialized for power. They were great schools
for the Great Race, intended to forge a collective identity among children of privilege, training
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them to be bankers, financiers, partners in law firms, corporate directors, negotiators of
international treaties and contracts, patrons of the arts, philanthropists, directors of welfare
organizations, members of advisory panels, government elites, and business elites.
Michael Useem's post- WWII study showed that just thirteen elite boarding schools educated 10
percent of all the directors of large American business corporations, and 1 5 percent of all the
directors who held three or more directorships. These schools collectively graduated fewer than
one thousand students a year. More spectacular pedagogy than that is hard to imagine.
In England, the pioneer feminist Victoria Woodhull published The Rapid Multiplication of the
Unfit. And in the States, Edward A. Ross, trained in Germany — University of Wisconsin pioneer
of American sociology — was writing The Old World in the New, saying that "beaten members of
beaten breeds" would destroy us unless placed under control. They were "subhuman." Ross was
joined by virtually every leading social scientist of his generation in warning about the ill effects of
blood pollution: Richard Ely, William Z. Ripley, Richard Mayo Smith, JohnR. Commons, Davis
Dewey, Franklin Giddings, and many more. None disagreed with Ross. Morons were multiplying.
The government had to be made aware of the biological consequences of social policy.
But while beaten members of beaten breeds had to be zipped up tight in isolation, ward schools
and neighborhoods of their own, watched over by social gospelers, settlement houses, and social
workers trained in the new social science, a new American social dimension was being created
from scratch in which the best people could associate freely, could rear children properly, could
reap rewards they deserved as the most advanced class on the evolutionary tree. That was not
only justice, it was prudent preparation for an even better biological future.
The way the new shadow society, a universe parallel to the one everyone else could see, had to
operate after it had first constructed for itself a theory of establishment and a theology of caste,
was by creating a new social structure, corporate in nature, in which man was progressively
defined by those with whom he affiliated, his synthetic, associational tribe — not by his
independent talents and accomplishments. If these affiliations were only local, then status was
correspondingly diminished; the trick was to progressively graduate to memberships which had
regional, national, or even international status, and this associational prestige would then be
transferred to the individual. What a perfect way of keeping out the riffraff and porch monkeys
this would prove to be!
It was no idle boast, nor was the statement a simple expression of snobbery, when John Lupton,
director of development at the Choate School in Wallingford, Connecticut, said, "There is no
door in this entire country that cannot be opened by a Choate graduate. I can go anywhere in this
country and anywhere there's a man I want to see... I can find a Choate man to open that door for
me," The crucial variables in identifying the right people in the new exclusionary America no
longer included high-profile expressions of superiority. What they did include were: 1)
Membership in the right metropolitan clubs. 2) An address in the right neighborhoods. 3) A
degree from the right college. 4) A membership in the right country club. 5) Attendance at the
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right summer resorts. 6) Attendance at the right churches. 7) Passage through the right private
schools. 8) An invitation to the right hereditary association. 9) Involvement in the right charities.
10) Trusteeships, boards, advisory councils. 11) The right marriages, alliances, a social register
listing. 12) Money, manners, style, physical beauty, health, conversation.
I've made no attempt to enter subtleties of gradation, only to indicate how the ephors behind
public schooling and virtually all significant decision-making in modern American society created,
quite self-consciously, a well-regulated world within a world for themselves. Provision was made
to allow some movement up from other classes. Clubs, for instance, were also agencies for
assimilating men of talent and their families into an upper-class way of life and social organization.
If we are unwilling to face how very far-reaching the effects of this American establishment are to
schoolchildren, there is just no good way to think about school reform. 5 Darwin's evolutionary
racism, Galton's mathematical racism, Maine's anthropological racism, Anglican theological
racism/classism, all are deeply embedded in the structure of mass schooling and the economy it
serves. They cannot be extirpated by rational discussion; these viruses are carried by institutional
structures not amenable to social discussion.
5 Nelson W. Aldrich, grandson of Senator Aldrich of Rhode Island, who was one of the principal architectsof the
Federal Reserve system, put it this way in his book Old Money: "Membership in this patriciate brought with it much
besides wealth, of course: complete domination of all educational and cultural institutions, ownership and control of
the news media [and a variety of other assets]." Direct and indirect domination of the forced schooling mechanism
by the patriciate has never been adequately explored, perhaps owing to its ownership of both the tools of research
(in the colleges) and the tools of dissemination (in the media).
Fountains Of Business Wealth
The new American establishment of the twentieth century was organized around the fountains of
wealth international corporate business provides. By 1 900 huge businesses had begun already to
dominate American schooling, and the metropolitan clubs where business was transacted lay at
the core of upper-class authority in every major city in the nation. The men's club emerged as the
principal agency where business agreements were struck and, indirectly, where school policy was
forged.
In 1959, Fortune magazine shocked a portion of our still innocent nation by announcing where
national policy and important deals really were made in New York City. If the matter was
relatively minor, the venue would be the Metropolitan, the Union League, or the University; if it
were a middling matter it would be determined at the Knickerbocker or the Racquet; and if it
required the utmost attention of powerful men, Brook or Links. Nothing happened in boardrooms
or executive suites where it could be overheard by outlanders. Each city had this private ground
where aristocracy met quietly out of the reach of prying eyes or unwelcome attendants. In San
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Francisco, the Pacific Union; in Washington, Cosmos or the Chevy Chase Club; the Sommerset in
Boston; Duquesne in Pittsburgh; the Philadelphia Club in Philadelphia; the Chicago Club in
Chicago. Once hands were shaken in these places, the process of public debate and certification
was choreographed elsewhere for public and press. Government business came to be done this
way, too.
The entire web of affiliations among insiders in business, government, and the nonprofit sector
operates through interpersonal and institutional ties which interconnect at the highest levels of
finance, politics, commerce, school affairs, social work, the arts, and the media. Continuing
conflicts of value within the leadership community give an appearance of adversarial proceedings,
but each passing decade brings more and more harmony to the unseen community which plans the
fate of schools and work.
The General Education Board And Friends
Reading through the papers of the Rockefeller Foundation's General Education Board — an
endowment rivaled in school policy influence in the first half of the twentieth century only by
Andrew Carnegie's various philanthropies — seven curious elements force themselves on the
careful reader:
1) There appears a clear intention to mold people through schooling. 2) There is a clear intention
to eliminate tradition and scholarship. 3) The net effect of various projects is to create a strong
class system verging on caste. 4) There is a clear intention to reduce mass critical intelligence
while supporting infinite specialization. 5) There is clear intention to weaken parental influence. 6)
There is clear intention to overthrow accepted custom. 7) There is striking congruency between
the cumulative purposes of GEB projects and the Utopian precepts of the oddball religious sect,
once known as Perfectionism, a secular religion aimed at making the perfection of human nature,
not salvation or happiness, the purpose of existence. The agenda of philanthropy, which had so
much to do with the schools we got, turns out to contain an intensely political component.
This is not to deny that genuine altruistic interests aren't also a part of philanthropy, but as Ellen
Lagemann correctly reflects in her interesting history of the Carnegie Foundation for the
Advancement of Teaching, Private Power for the Public Good, "In advancing some interests,
foundations have inevitably not advanced others. Hence their actions must have political
consequences, even when political purposes are not avowed or even intended. To avoid politics in
dealing with foundation history is to miss a crucial part of the story."
Edward Berman, in Harvard Education Review, 49 (1979), puts it more brusquely. Focusing on
Rockefeller, Carnegie, and Ford philanthropies, he concludes that the "public rhetoric of
disinterested humanitarianism was little more than a facade" behind which the interests of the
political state (not necessarily those of society) "have been actively furthered." The rise of
foundations to key positions in educational policy formation amounted to what Clarence Karier
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called "the development of a fourth branch of government, one that effectively represented the
interests of American corporate wealth."
The corporate foundation is mainly a twentieth- century phenomenon, growing from twenty-one
specimens of the breed in 1900 to approximately fifty thousand by 1990. From the beginning,
foundations aimed squarely at educational policy formation. Rockefeller's General Education
Board obtained an incorporating act from Congress in 1903 and immediately began to organize
schooling in the South, joining the older Slater cotton/woolen manufacturing interests and
Peabody banking interests in a coalition in which Rockefeller picked up many of the bills.
From the start, the GEB had a mission. A letter from John D. Rockefeller Sr. specified that his
gifts were to be used "to promote a comprehensive system." You might well ask what interests
the system was designed to promote, but you would be asking the wrong question. Frederick
Gates, the Baptist minister hired to disburse Rockefeller largesse, gave a terse explanation when
he said, "The key word is system." American life was too unsystematic to suit corporate genius.
Rockefeller's foundation was about systematizing us.
In 1913, the Sixty-Second Congress created a commission to investigate the role of these new
foundations of Carnegie, Rockefeller, and of other corporate families. After a year of testimony it
concluded:
The domination of men in whose hands the final control of a large part of
American industry rests is not limited to their employees, but is being rapidly
extended to control the education and social services of the nation.
Foundation grants directly enhance the interests of the corporations sponsoring them, it found.
The conclusion of this congressional commission:
The giant foundation exercises enormous power through direct use of its
funds, free of any statutory entanglements so they can be directed precisely to
the levers of a situation; this power, however, is substantially increased by
building collateral alliances which insulate it from criticism and scrutiny.
Foundations automatically make friends among banks which hold their large deposits, in
investment houses which multiply their monies, in law firms which act as their counsels, and with
the many firms, institutions, and individuals with which they deal and whom they benefit. By
careful selection of trustees from the ranks of high editorial personnel and other media executives
and proprietors, they can assure themselves press support, and by engaging public relations
counselors can further create good publicity. As Rene Wormser, chief counsel for the second
congressional inquiry into foundation life (1958), put it:
All its connections and associations, plus the often sycophantic adulation of the
many institutions and individuals who receive largesse from the foundation,
give it an enormous aggregate of power and influence. This power extends
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beyond its immediate circle of associations, to those who hope to benefit from
its bounty.
In 1919, using Rockefeller money, John Dewey, by now a professor at Columbia Teachers
College, an institution heavily endowed by Rockefeller, founded the Progressive Education
Association. Through its existence it spread the philosophy which undergirds welfare capitalism —
that the bulk of the population is biologically childlike, requiring lifelong care.
From the start, Dewey was joined by other Columbia professors who made no secret that the
objective of the PEA project was to use the educational system as a tool to accomplish political
goals. In The Great Technology (1933), Harold Rugg elucidated the grand vision:
A new public mind is to be created. How? Only by creating tens of millions of
individual minds and welding them into a new social mind. Old stereotypes
must be broken up and "new climates of opinion" formed in the neighborhoods
of America.
Through the schools of the world we shall disseminate a new conception of
government — one that will embrace all the activities of men, one that will
postulate the need of scientific control.. .in the interest of all people.
In similar fashion, the work of the Social Science Research Council culminated in a statement of
Conclusions and Recommendations on its Carnegie Foundation-funded operations which had
enormous and lasting impact upon education in the United States. Conclusions (1934) heralded
the decline of the old order, stating aggressively that "a new age of collectivism is emerging"
which will involve the supplanting of private property by public property" and will require
"experimentation" and "almost certainly... a larger measure of compulsory cooperation of
citizens.. .a corresponding enlargement of the functions of government, and an increasing state
intervention... Rights will be altered and abridged." (emphasis added)
Conclusions was a call to the teachers colleges to instruct their students to "condition" children
into an acceptance of the new order in progress. Reading, writing, and arithmetic were to be
marginalized as irrelevant, even counterproductive. "As often repeated, the first step is to
consolidate leadership around the philosophy and purpose of education herein expounded."
(emphasis added) The difficulties in trying to understand what such an odd locution as
"compulsory cooperation" might really mean, or even trying to determine what historic definition
of "education" would fit such a usage, were ignored. Those who wrote this report, and some of
those who read it, were the only ones who held the Rosetta Stone to decipher it.
In an article in Progressive Education Magazine, Professor Norman Woelfel produced one of the
many children and grandchildren of the Conclusions report when he wrote in 1946: "It might be
necessary for us to control our press as the Russian press is controlled and as the Nazi press is
controlled....", a startling conclusion he improved upon in his book Molders of the American
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Mind (1933) with this dark beauty: "In the minds of men who think experimentally, America is
conceived as having a destiny which bursts the all too obvious limitations of Christian religious
sanctions."
The Rockefeller-endowed Lincoln Experimental School at Columbia Teachers College was the
testing ground for Harold Rugg's series of textbooks, which moved 5 million copies by 1940 and
millions more after that. In these books Rugg advanced this theory: "Education must be used to
condition the people to accept social change.... The chief function of schools is to plan the future
of society." Like many of his activities over three vital decades on the school front, the notions
Rugg put forth in The Great Technology (1933), were eventually translated into practice in urban
centers. Rugg advocated that the major task of schools be seen as "indoctrinating" youth, using
social "science" as the "core of the school curriculum" to bring about the desired climate of public
opinion. Some attitudes Rugg advocated teaching were reconstruction of the national economic
system to provide for central controls and an implantation of the attitude that educators as a
group were "vastly superior to a priesthood":
Our task is to create swiftly a compact body of minority opinion for the
scientific reconstruction of our social order.
Money for Rugg's six textbooks came from Rockefeller Foundation grants to the Lincoln School.
He was paid two salaries by the foundation, one as an educational psychologist for Lincoln, the
other as a professor of education at Teachers College, in addition to salaries for secretarial and
research services. The General Education Board provided funds (equivalent to $500,000 in year
2000 purchasing power) to produce three books, which were then distributed by the National
Education Association.
In 1954, a second congressional investigation of foundation tampering (with schools and
American social life) was attempted, headed by Carroll Reece of Tennessee. The Reece
Commission quickly ran into a buzzsaw of opposition from influential centers of American
corporate life. Major national newspapers hurled scathing criticisms, which, together with
pressure from other potent political adversaries, forced the committee to disband prematurely, but
not before there were some tentative findings:
The power of the individual large foundation is enormous. Its various forms
of patronage carry with them elements of thought control. It exerts immense
influence on educator, educational processes, and educational institutions. It is
capable of invisible coercion. It can materially predetermine the development of
social and political concepts, academic opinion, thought leadership, public
opinion.
The power to influence national policy is amplified tremendously when
foundations act in concert. There is such a concentration of foundation power
in the United States, operating in education and the social sciences, with a
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gigantic aggregate of capital and income. This Interlock has some of the
characteristics of an intellectual cartel. It operates in part through certain
intermediary organizations supported by the foundations. It has ramifications in
almost every phase of education.
It has come to exercise very extensive practical control over social science
and education. A system has arisen which gives enormous power to a relatively
small group of individuals, having at their virtual command huge sums in public
trust funds.
The power of the large foundations and the Interlock has so influenced press,
radio, television, and even government that it has become extremely difficult
for objective criticism of anything the Interlock approves to get into news
channels — without having first been ridiculed, slanted and discredited.
Research in the social sciences plays a key part in the evolution of our society.
Such research is now almost wholly in the control of professional employees of
the large foundations. Even the great sums allotted by federal government to
social science research have come into the virtual control of this professional
group.
Foundations have promoted a great excess of empirical research as contrasted
with theoretical research, promoting an irresponsible "fact-finding mania"
leading all too frequently to "scientism" or fake science.
Associated with the excessive support of empirical method, the concentration
of foundation power has tended to promote "moral relativity" to the detriment
of our basic moral, religious, and governmental principles. It has tended to
promote the concept of "social engineering," that foundation-approved "social
scientists" alone are capable of guiding us into better ways of living,
substituting synthetic principles for fundamental principles of action.
These foundations and their intermediaries engage extensively in political
activity, not in the form of direct support of candidates or parties, but in the
conscious promotion of carefully calculated political concepts.
The impact of foundation money upon education has been very heavy, tending
to promote uniformity in approach and method, tending to induce the educator
to become an agent for social change and a propagandist for the development
of our society in the direction of some form of collectivism. In the international
field, foundations and the Interlock, together with certain intermediary
organizations, have exercised a strong effect upon foreign policy and upon
public education in things international. This has been accomplished by vast
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propaganda, by supplying executives and advisors to government, and by
controlling research through the power of the purse. The net result has been to
promote "internationalism" in a particular sense — a form directed toward
"world government" and a derogation of American nationalism, [emphasis
added]
Here we find ourselves confronted with the puzzling duty of interpreting why two separate
congressional committees convened fifty years apart to study the workings of the new foundation
institutions, one under a Democratic Congress, one under a Republican Congress, both reached
essentially the same conclusions. Both adjudged foundations a clear and present danger to the
traditional liberties of American national life. Both pointed to the use of foundation influence to
create the blueprint of American school life. Both saw that a class system in America had emerged
and was being supported by the class system in schooling. Both called for drastic action. And both
were totally ignored.
Actually the word "ignored" doesn't begin to do justice to what really occurred. These
congressional investigations — like Sir Walter Scott's difficult to obtain Life of Napoleon
Bonaparte — have not only vanished from public imagination, they aren't even alluded to in press
discussions of schooling. Exactly as if they had never happened. This would be more
understandable if their specific philanthropies were dull, pedestrian giveaways designed to
distribute largesse and to build up good feeling toward the benevolence of colossal wealth and
power. But the reality is strikingly different — corporate wealth through the foundations has
advanced importantly the dumbing down of America's schools, the creation of a scientific class
system, and important attacks on family integrity, national identification, religious rights, and
national sovereignty.
"School is the cheapest police," Horace Mann once said. It was a sentiment publicly spoken by
every name — Sears, Pierce, Harris, Stowe, Lancaster, and the rest — prominently involved in
creating universal school systems for the coal powers. One has only to browse Merle Curti's The
Social Ideas of American Educators to discover that the greatest social idea educators had to sell
the rich, and which they lost no opportunity to sell, was the police function of schooling.
Although a pedagogical turn in the Quaker imagination is the reason schools came to look like
penitentiaries, Quakers are not the principal reason they came to function like maximum security
institutions. The reason they came to exist at all was to stabilize the social order and train the
ranks. In a scientific, industrialized, corporate age, "stability" was much more exquisitely defined
than ordinary people could imagine. To realize the new stability, the best breeding stock had to be
drawn up into reservations, likewise the ordinary. "The Daughters of the Barons of Runnemede"
is only a small piece of the puzzle; many more efficient and subtler quarantines were essayed.
Perhaps subtlest of all was the welfare state, a welfare program for everybody, including the
lowest, in which the political state bestowed alms the way the corporate Church used to do.
Although the most visible beneficiaries of this gigantic project were those groups increasingly
referred to as "masses," the poor were actually people most poorly served by this latter-day Hindu
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creation of Fabian socialism and the corporate brain trust. Subsidizing the excluded of the new
society and economy was, it was believed, a humanitarian way to calm these troubled waters until
the Darwinian storm had run its inevitable course into a new, genetically arranged Utopia.
In a report issued in 1982 and widely publicized in important journals, the connection between
corporate capitalism and the welfare state becomes manifest in a public document bearing the
name Alan Pifer, then president of the Carnegie Corporation. Apparently fearing that the Reagan
administration would alter the design of the Fabian project beyond its ability to survive, Pifer
warned of:
A mounting possibility of severe social unrest, and the consequent
development among the upper classes and the business community of sufficient
fear for the survival of our capitalist economic system to bring about an abrupt
change of course. Just as we built the general welfare state... and expanded it in
the 1960s as a safety valve for the easing of social tension, so will we do it
again in the 1980s. Any other path is too risky.
In the report quoted from, new conceptions of pedagogy were introduced which we now see
struggling to be born: national certification for schoolteachers, bypassing the last vestige of local
control in states, cities, and villages; a hierarchy of teacher positions; a project to bring to an end
the hierarchy of school administrators — now adjudged largely an expenditure counter-productive
to good social order, a failed experiment. In the new form, lead teachers manage schools after the
British fashion and hire business administrators. The first expressions of this new initiative
included the "mini-school" movement, now evolved into the charter school movement. Without
denying these ideas a measure of merit, if you understand that their source is the same institutional
consciousness which once sent river ironclads full of armed detectives to break the steel union at
Homestead, machine-gunned strikers at River Rouge, and burned to death over a dozen women
and children in Ludlow, those memories should inspire emotions more pensive than starry-eyed
enthusiasm.
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Chapter 13
The Empty Child
Walden Two (1948) B.F. Skinner. This utopist is a psychologist, inventor of
a mechanical baby-tender, presently engaged on experiments testing the habit
capacities of pigeons. Halfway through this contemporary utopia, the reader
may feel sure, as we did, that this is a beautifully ironic satire on what has been
called "behavioral engineering".... Of all the dictatorships espoused by utopists,
this is the most pro found.... The citizen of this ideal society is placed during his
first year in a sterile cubicle, wherein the onditioning begins.... In conclusion,
the perpetrator of this "modern" utopia looks down from a nearby hill of the
community which is his handiwork and proclaims: "I like to play God!"
— Negley and Patrick, The Quest For Utopia
Miss Skinner Sleeps Scientifically
At the university people used to call Kings College before the American Revolution, I lived for a
time under a psychological regime called behaviorism in the last golden moments before Mind
Science took over American schooling. At Columbia, I was in on the transformation without ever
knowing it. By the time it happened, I had shape-shifted into a schoolteacher, assigned to spend
my adult life as a technician in the human rat cage we call public education.
Although I may flatter myself, for one brief instant I think I was the summer favorite of Dr. Fred
S. Keller at Columbia, a leading behaviorist of the late 1950s whose own college textbook was
dedicated to his mentor, B.F. Skinner, that most famous of all behaviorists from Harvard. Skinner
was then rearing his own infant daughter in a closed container with a window, much like keeping
a baby in an aquarium, a device somewhat mis-described in the famous article "Baby in a Box,"
(Ladies Home Journal, September 28, 1945).
Italian parents giving their own children a glass of wine in those days might have ended up in jail
and their children in foster care, but what Skinner did was perfectly legal. For all I know, it still is.
What happened to Miss Skinner? Apparently she was eventually sent to a famous progressive
school the very opposite of a rat-conditioning cage, and grew up to be an artist.
Speaking of boxes, Skinner commanded boxes of legal tender lecturing and consulting with
business executives on the secrets of mass behavior he had presumably learned by watching
trapped rats. From a marketing standpoint, the hardest task the rising field of behavioral
psychology had in peddling its wares was masking its basic stimulus-response message (albeit one
with a tiny twist) in enough different ways to justify calling behaviorism "a school." Fat
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consultancies were beginning to be available in the postwar years, but the total lore of
behaviorism could be learned in about a day, so its embarrassing thinness required fast footwork
to conceal. Being a behaviorist then would hardly have taxed the intellect of a parking lot
attendant; it still doesn't.
In those days, the U.S. Government was buying heavily into these not-so-secret secrets, as if
anticipating that needy moment scheduled to arrive at the end of the twentieth century when
Richard Barnet of the Institute for Policy Studies would write for Harper's in a voice freighted
with doom:
The problem is starkly simple. An astonishingly large and increasing number of
human beings are not needed or wanted to make the goods or provide the
services that the paying customers of the world can afford.
In the decades prior to this Malthusian assessment, a whole psychological Institute for Social
Cookery sprang up like a toadstool in the United States to offer recipe books for America's
future. Even then they knew that 80 percent of the next generation was neither needed nor
wanted. Remedies had to be found to dispose of the menace psychologically.
Skinner had wonderful recipes, better than anyone's. Not surprisingly, his procedures possessed a
vague familiarity to readers listed in the Blue Book or the Social Register, people whose culture
made them familiar with the training of dogs and falcons. Skinner had recipes for bed wetting, for
interpersonal success, for management of labor, for hugging, for decision-making. His industrial
group prepackaged hypotheses to train anyone for any situation. By 1957, his machines
constituted the psychological technology of choice in institutions with helpless populations:
juvenile detention centers, homes for the retarded, homes for wayward mothers, adoption
agencies, orphan asylums — everywhere the image of childhood was most debased. The pot of
gold at the end of Skinner's rainbow was School.
Behaviorism's main psychological rival in 1957 was psychoanalysis, but this rival had lost
momentum by the time big government checks were available to buy psychological services.
There were many demerits against psychoanalysis: its primitive narrative theory, besides sounding
weird, had a desperate time proving anything statistically. Its basic technique required simple data
to be elaborated beyond the bounds of credibility. Even where that was tolerable, it was useless in
a modern school setting built around a simulacrum of precision in labeling.
Social learning theorists, many academic psychiatrists, anthropologists, or other specialists
identified with a university or famous institution like the Mayo Clinic, were behaviorism's closest
cash competition. But behind the complex exterior webs they wove about social behavior, all
were really behaviorists at heart. Though they spun theory in the mood of Rousseau, the payoff in
each case came down to selling behavioral prescriptions to the policy classes. Their instincts might
lead them into lyrical flights that could link rock falls in the Crab Nebula to the fall of sparrows in
Monongahela, but the bread and butter argument was that mass populations could be and should
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be controlled by the proper use of carrots and sticks.
Another respectable rival for the crown behaviorism found itself holding after WWII was stage
theory, which could vary from the poetic grammar of Erik Eriksson to the impenetrable
mathematical tapestry of Jean Piaget, an exercise in chutzpah weaving the psychological destiny
of mankind out of the testimony of less than two dozen bourgeois Swiss kids. Modest academic
empires could be erected on allegiance to one stage theory or another, but there were so many
they tended to get in each other's way. Like seven-step programs to lose weight and keep it off,
stage theory provided friendly alternatives to training children like rats — but the more it came into
direct competition with the misleading precision of Skinnerian psychology, the sillier its clay feet
looked.
All stage theory is embarrassingly culture-bound. Talk about the attention span of kids and
suddenly you are forced to confront the fact that while eighteen-month-old Americans become
restless after thirty seconds, Chinese of that age can closely watch a demonstration for five
minutes. And while eight-year-old New Yorkers can barely tie their shoes, eight-year-old Amish
put in a full work day on the family homestead. Even in a population apparently homogenous,
stage theory can neither predict nor prescribe for individual cases. Stage theories sound right for
the same reason astrological predictions do, but the disconnect between ideal narratives and
reality becomes all too clear when you try to act on them.
When stage theory was entering its own golden age in the late 1960s, behaviorism was already
entrenched as the psychology of choice. The federal government's BSTEP document and many
similar initiatives to control teacher preparation had won the field for the stimulus-response
business. So much money was pouring into psychological schooling from government/corporate
sources, however, that rat psychologists couldn't absorb it all. A foot-in-the-door opportunity
presented itself, which stage theorists scrambled to seize.
The controlling metaphor of all scientific stage theories is not, like behaviorism's, that people are
built like machinery, but that they grow like vegetables. Kinder requires garten, an easy sell to
people sick of being treated like machinery. For all its seeming humanitarianism, stage theory is
just another way to look beyond individuals to social class abstractions. If nobody possesses a
singular spirit, then nobody has a sovereign personal destiny. Mother Teresa, Tolstoy,
Hitler — they don't signify for stage theory, though from time to time they are asked to stand as
representatives of types.
Behaviorists
To understand empty child theory, you have to visit with behaviorists. Their meal ticket was
hastily jerry-built by the advertising agency guru John Watson and by Edward Lee Thorndike,
founder of educational psychology. Watson's "Behaviorist Manifesto" (1913) promoted a then
novel utilitarian psychology whose "theoretical goal is the prediction and control of behavior."
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Like much that passes for wisdom on the collegiate circuit, their baby was stitched together from
the carcasses of older ideas. Behaviorism (Thorndike's version, stillborn, was called
"Connect ionism") was a purified hybrid of Wilhelm Wundt's laboratory at Leipzig and Comte's
positivism broadcast in the pragmatic idiom of the Scottish common-sense philosophers. We
needn't trace all the dead body parts pasted together to sigh at the claim of an originality which
isn't there — reminiscent of Howard Gardner's fashion as seer of multiple intelligence theory — an
idea as ancient as the pyramids.
Behaviorists read entrails; they spy on the movements of trapped and hopeless animals, usually
rats or pigeons. This gives an advantage over other psychologists of standing on a pile of animal
corpses as the emblem of their science. The study of learning is their chief occupation: how rats
can be driven to run a maze or press a bar with the proper schedule of reward and punishment.
Almost from the start they abjured the use of the terms reward and punishment, concluding that
these beg the question. Who is to say what is rewarding except the subject? And the subject tells
us more credibly with his future behavior than with his testimony. You can only tell whether a
reward is truly rewarding from watching future behavior. This accurate little semantic curve ball
allows a new discipline to grow around the terms "positive reinforcement" (reward) and "negative
reinforcement" (punishment).
Behavior to behaviorists is only what can be seen and measured; there is no inner life. Skinner
added a wrinkle to the simpler idea of Pavlovian conditioning from which subsequent libraries of
learned essays have been written, when he stated that the stimulus for behavior is usually
generated internally. In his so-called "operant" conditioning, the stimulus is thus written with a
small "s" rather than with a Pavlovian capital "S." So what? Just this: Skinner's lowercase,
internal "s" leaves a tiny hole for the ghost of free will to sneak through!
Despite the furor this created in the world of academic psychology, the tempest-in-a-teapot nature
of lowercase/uppercase stimuli is revealed from Skinner's further assertion that these mysterious
internal stimuli of his can be perfectly controlled by manipulating exterior reinforcements
according to proper schedules. In other words, even if you do have a will (not certain), your will
is still perfectly programmable! You can be brought to love Big Brother all the same.
The way I came to the attention of Dr. Keller's teaching assistants was by writing a program to
cause coeds to surrender their virginity behaviorally without realizing they had been scored, with
an operant conditioning program. My blueprint delighted the assistants. Copies were prepared and
sent informally to other colleges; one went, I believe, to Skinner himself When I look back on my
well-schooled self who played this stupid prank I'm disgusted, but it should serve as a warning
how an army of grown-up children was and still is encouraged to experiment on each other as a
form of higher -level modern thinking. An entire echelon of management has been trained in the
habit of scientific pornography caught by the title of the Cole Porter song, "Anything Goes."
Behaviorism has no built-in moral brakes to restrain it other than legal jeopardy. You hardly have
to guess how irresistible this outlook was to cigarette companies, proprietary drug purveyors,
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market researchers, hustlers of white bread, bankers, stock salesmen, makers of extruded plastic
knick-knacks, sugar brokers, and, of course, to men on horseback and heads of state. A short time
after I began as a behaviorist, I quit, having seen enough of the ragged Eichmannesque crew at
Columbia drawn like iron filings to this magnetic program which promised to simplify all the
confusion of life into underlying schemes of reinforcement.
Plasticity
The worm lives in our initial conception of human nature. Are human beings to be trusted? With
what reservations? To what degree? The official answer has lately been "not much," at least since
the end of WWII. Christopher Lasch was able to locate some form of surveillance, apprehension,
confinement, or other security procedure at the bottom of more than a fifth of the jobs in the
United States. Presumably that's because we don't trust each other. Where could that mistrust
have been learned?
As we measure each other, we select a course to follow. A curriculum is a racecourse. How we
lay it out is contingent on assumptions we make about the horses and spectators. So it is with
school. Are children empty vessels? What do you think? I suspect not many parents look at their
offspring as empty vessels because contradictory evidence accumulates from birth, but the whole
weight of our economy and its job prospects is built on the outlook that people are empty, or so
plastic it's the same thing.
The commodification of childhood — making it a product which can be sold — demands a
psychological frame in which kids can be molded. A handful of philosophers dominates modern
thinking because they argue this idea, and in arguing it they open up possibilities to guide history
to a conclusion in some perfected society. Are children empty? John Locke said they were in his
Essay Concerning Human Understanding:
Let us suppose the mind to be, as we say, white paper, void of all characters,
without any ideas; how comes it to be furnished? Whence comes it by that vast
store...? To this I answer in one word, from Experience; in that all our
knowledge is founded, and from that it ultimately derives itself.
Are there no innate ideas? Does the mind lack capacities and powers of its own, being etched
exclusively by sensory inputs? Locke apparently thought so, with only a few disclaimers so wispy
they were abandoned by his standard bearers almost at once. Are minds blank like white paper,
capable of accepting writing from whoever possesses the ink? Empty like a gas tank or a sugar
bowl to be filled by anyone who can locate the filler-hole? Was John Watson right when he said in
1930:
Give me a dozen healthy infants, well-formed, and my own specified world to
bring them up in and I'll guarantee to take any one at random and train him to
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become any type of specialist I might select — doctor, lawyer, artist,
merchant-chief, and yes, even beggar-man and thief, regardless of his talents,
his penchants, tendencies, abilities, vocations, and race of his ancestors.
Do you find something attractive in that presumption of plasticity in human nature? So did Joseph
Stalin and Chairman Mao, two of the century's foremost applied behaviorists on the grand scale.
Taylorism sought to manage by the control of physical movements and environments, but the
behaviorists wanted more certainty than that, they wanted control of the inner life, too. A great
many reflective analyses have placed our own two Roosevelt presidencies in the same broad
category.
The trouble in school arises from disagreement about what life is for. If we believe human beings
have no unique personal essence, this question is meaningless, but even then you can't get rid of
the idea easily. Life commands your answer. You cannot refuse because your actions write your
answer large for everyone to see, even if you don't see it yourself. As you regard human nature,
you will teach. Or as someone else regards it, you will teach. There aren't any third ways.
Is human nature empty? If it is, who claims a right to fill it? In such circumstances, what can
"school" mean?
If ever a situation was capable of revealing the exquisite power of metaphor to control our lives,
this must be it. Are children empty? As helpless infants and dependent youth we lay exposed to
the metaphors of our guardians; they colonize our spirit.
Elasticity
Among structural engineers, the terms plastic and elastic describe propensities of material; these
are concepts which can also be brought to bear on the question whether human nature is built out
of accidents of experience or whether there is some divine inner spark in all of us that makes each
person unique and self-determining. As you decide, the schools which march forward from your
decision are predestined. Immanuel Kant thought both conditions possible, a strong, continuous
effort of will tipping the balance.
In structural engineering, implications of the original builder/creator's decision are inescapable;
constructions like bridges and skyscrapers do have an inner nature given them by the materials
chosen and the shapes imposed, an integrity long experience has allowed us to profile. The
structure will defend this integrity, resisting wind stress, for example, which threatens to change
its shape permanently.
When stress increases dangerously as it would in a hurricane, the building material becomes
elastic, surrendering part of its integrity temporarily to protect the rest, compromising to save its
total character in the long run. When the wind abates the urge to resume the original shape
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becomes dominant and the bridge or building relaxes back to normal. A human analogy is that we
remember who we are in school even when coerced to act like somebody else. In engineering, this
integrity of memory is called elastic behavior. Actors practice deliberate elasticity and the
Chechens or the Hmong express remarkable group elasticity. After violent stresses abate, they
remember who they are.
But another road exists. To end unbearable stress, material has a choice of surrendering its
memory. Under continued stress, material can become plastic, losing its elasticity and changing its
shape permanently. Watch your own kids as their schooling progresses. Are they like Chechens
with a fierce personal integrity and an inner resilience? Or under the stress of the social laboratory
of schooling, have they become plastic over time, kids you hardly recognize, kids who've lost
their original integrity?
In the collapse of a bridge or building in high wind, a decisive turning point is reached when the
structure abandons its nature and becomes plastic. Trained observers can tell when elasticity is
fading because prior to the moment of collapse, the structure cannot regain its original shape. It
loses its spirit, taking on new and unexpected shapes in a struggle to resist further change. When
this happens it is wordlessly crying HELP ME! HELP ME! just as so many kids did in all the
schools in which I ever taught.
The most important task I assigned myself as a schoolteacher was helping kids regain their
integrity, but I lost many, their desperate, last-ditch resistance giving way, their integrity
shattering before my horrified eyes. Look back in memory at your kids before first grade, then fast
forward to seventh. Have they disintegrated into warring fragments divided against themselves?
Don't believe anyone who tells you that's natural human development.
If there are no absolutes, as pragmatists like Dewey assert, then human nature must be plastic.
Then the spirit can be successfully deformed from its original shape and will have no sanctuary in
which to resist institutional stamping. The Deweys further assert that human nature processed this
way is able to perform efficiently what is asked of it later on by society. Escaping our original
identity will actually improve most of us, they say. This is the basic hypothesis of utopia-building,
that the structure of personhood can be broken and reformed again and again for the better.
Plasticity is the base on which scientific psychology must stand if it is to be prescriptive, and if not
prescriptive, who needs it? Finding an aggressive, instrumental psychology associated with
schooling is a sure sign empty-child attitudes aren't far away. The notion of empty children has
origins predating psychology, of course, but the most important engine reshaping American
schools into socialization laboratories, 1 after Wundt, was the widely publicized work of Russian
physiologist Ivan Pavlov (1849-1936) who had been a student of Wundt at Leipzig. Pavlov won
the Nobel in 1904, credited with discovering the conditioned reflex whereby systems of physical
function thought to be fixed biologically, like the salivation of dogs, could be rewired to irrelevant
outside stimuli, like bells ringing.
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This had immense influence on the spread of behavioral psychology into government agencies and
corporate boardrooms, for it seemed to herald the discovery of master wiring diagrams which
could eventually bring the entire population under control of physiological psychology.
Pavlov became the most prestigious ally of the behavioral enterprise with his Nobel. His text The
Conditioned Reflexes (1926) provided a sacred document to be waved at skeptics, and his
Russian nationality aided immeasurably, harmonizing well with the long romance American
intellectuals had with the Soviet Union. Even today Pavlov is a name to conjure with. Russian
revolutionary experimentation allowed the testing of what was possible to go much further and
faster than could have happened in America and western Europe.
Notions of emptiness turn the pedestrian problem of basic skills schooling into the complex
political question of which outside agencies with particular agendas to impose will be allowed to
write the curriculum. And there are nuances. For instance, the old-fashioned idea of an empty
container suggests a hollow to be filled, an approach not unfamiliar to people who went to school
before 1960. But plastic emptiness is a different matter. It might lead to an armory of tricks
designed to fix, distract, and motivate the subject to cooperate in its own transformation — the
new style commonly found in public schools after 1960. The newer style has given rise to an
intricately elaborated theory of incentives capable of assisting managers to work their agenda on
the managed. Only a few years ago, almost every public-school teacher in the country had to
submit a list of classroom motivation employed, to be inspected by school managers.
1 The whole concept of "socialization" has been the subject of a large library of books and may beconsidered to
occupy an honored role as one of the most important ongoing studies (and debates) in modern history. In
shorthand, what socialization is concerned with from a political standpoint is the discovery and application of a
system of domination which does not involve physical coercion. Coercion (as Hegel is thought to have proven) will
inevitably provoke the formation of a formidable counter-force, in time overthrowing the coercive force. The fall of
the Soviet Union might be taken as an object lesson.
Before Hegel, for 250 years along with other institutions of that society the state church of England was a diligent
student of socialization. The British landowning class was a great university of understanding how to proceed
adversarially against restive groups without overt signs of intimidation, and the learnings of this class were
transmitted to America. For example, during the second great enclosure movement which ended in 1875, with half
of all British agricultural land in the hands of just two thousand people, owners maintained social and political
control over even the smallest everyday affairs of the countryside and village. Village halls were usually under
control of the Church of England whose clergy were certifiably safe, its officials doubling as listening posts among
the population. All accommodations suitable for meetings were under direct or indirect control of the landed
interests. It was almost impossible for any sort of activity to take place unless it met with the approval of owners.
Lacking a long tradition of upper-class solidarity, the United States had to distill lessons from England and
elsewhere with a science of public opinion control whose ultimate base was the new schools. Still, before schooling
could be brought efficiently to that purpose, much time had to pass during which other initiatives in socialization
w 
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